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Class ±i£_ AC 
Book i T 



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Copyright^ 



CO WRIGHT DEPOSIT. 



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The Cambridge Series 

for 

J779 

Schools and Training Colleges 'JLJL-' 



OUTLINES OF THE HISTORY 



OF 



THE ENGLISH LANGUAGE 



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OUTLINES 



OF THE 



HISTORY OF THE 



ENGLISH LANGUAGE 



BY 

/ 

T. N. TOLLER, M.A. 

LATE FELLOW OF CHRIST'S COLLEGE, CAMBRIDGE 
PROFESSOR OF ENGLISH IN THE OWENS COLLEGE, MANCHESTER 



THE MACMILLAN COMPANY 

LONDON: MACMILLAN & CO., Ltd. 
1900 

All rights reserved 



84249 



: 



Library of Congress 

Two Copies Received 
DEC 5 1900 

r\ Copyright an«ry 

SECOND COPY 

Oefivarad to 

ORDER DIVISION 

DEC 101900 






Copyright, 1900, 
By THE MACMILLAN COMPANY. 



Nartoooti 1$xt%% 

J. S. CushinK & Co. — Berwick 8c Smith 

Norwood Mns6. U.S.A. 



PREFACE 

In the following pages an attempt is made to give some 
idea of the conditions under which language-material was 
gradually accumulated, wasT sifted and shaped, before the 
result was attained which we see in the present speech of 
England. It is an attempt to give such a representation of a 
very complicated subject as is possible by tracing merely its 
outlines. These, however, if they are properly distinguished, 
may at least suggest the claims to consideration which the 
subject can make, claims that can be properly appreciated 
only when the outlines are filled in. And surely one such 
claim is that the study of English affords the opportunity for 
a varied mental training. For to realise the language of a 
people at any time in their history would be to realise their 
life at that time ; it is in their words that their thoughts 
remain embodied, and really to understand their words we 
must feel as they felt. To follow a language completely 
throughout its gradual development would be to follow all 
phases in the changing life of those who spoke it ; and only 
as the powers of the imagination are cultivated is progress 
made towards this ideal. A language, again, may be regarded 
as a living organism, ever undergoing changes, of which some, 
though they may be vital, yet do not affect its outward form 



vi Preface 

— for words may keep their form, but change their meaning ; 
while others are visible, for words may be lost or gained, or 
re-shaped, or re-arranged. And here there is abundant oppor- 
tunity for training the faculty of observation. Moreover no 
change in this organism is without a cause. Language takes 
the shape which its speakers choose to give it; and in attempt- 
ing to account for changes that result from influences, which 
must be determined, operating upon the speakers, who are 
the agents in effecting change, and whose condition must be 
realised, there is ample scope for the exercise of the reasoning 
faculty. Looked at, too, from the merely physical side, lan- 
guage is educational. For it is the product of a machine, 
whose mechanism and working must be observed ; a machine 
which is incorporated with the operator, and whose operation 
at once responds to that which affects him. It may be noted, 
further, that the study of English is of interest and profit, not 
only because much of the material that has to be observed is 
literature of the noblest kind, but also because the student 
may carry on his studies among the homelier varieties of speech 
which are to be found still living in all parts of the country. 
It is a study that offers a wide field in which to exercise the 
faculties of the mind, and which abounds with objects of 
interest on which to exercise them. 

If the present sketch can suggest to a student the interest 
which belongs to the history of the language, or can help one 
who feels that interest, by providing the outlines which further 
work of his own may enable him to fill in, it will have been 
worth making. For hitherto our vulgar tongue has scarcely 



Preface vii 

received the consideration it deserves ; and not altogether 
without excuse would those in England be, who should sym- 
pathise with the great Italian, when he speaks of the esteem in 
which by some was held the vulgar tongue he himself used. 
Dante, denouncing the i ill-conditioned men of Italy that 
scorned their own vulgar tongue/ says : ' Forasmuch as with 
that measure a man measures himself he measures the things 
that are his, it befalls that to the magnanimous his own things 
ever appear better than they are, those of others less good ; 
the pusillanimous ever thinks his own things worth little, those 
of others much. Whence many through this baseness scorn 
their proper vulgar tongue, and esteem that of others ; and all 
such as these are the abominable caitiffs of Italy, that hold 
of no account this noble vulgar tongue.' 

English, quite as much as the Italian of Dante, deserves to 
be called ' a noble vulgar tongue,' and if in this little book its 
history is not shewn to be a subject which will repay the 
labours of the student, the failure is certainly not to be laid 
to the charge of the subject. 

T. N. T. 
November, 1900, 



CONTENTS 



CHAPTER I 

The history of a language a record of change — self-adjusting character of 
language — inevitability of change — Xviews of some English writers 
on the possibility of arresting change — different kinds of change 
illustrated — connection between names and things — illustrations 
from English — metaphorical language — development of that part of 
the vocabulary which expresses abstract ideas — change of form in 
words •A.general purpose of the chapter . . . . pp. 1-18 



CHAPTER II 

Relation to one another, and to the common original, of languages which 
have had a common source — England and America — the languages 
of modern Europe — their likeness — likeness due to borrowing — 
likeness due to common origin — the case of the Romance languages 

— regular differences between Latin and English worked out — the 
case of the two languages parallel to that of the Romance languages 

— the light hence thrown upon English by Latin — other languages 
may be associated with English — further knowledge of English which 
is thus gained — other languages may be associated with Latin — the 
Aryan family — the classification of the Germanic or Teutonic group 

— its oldest monuments — the likeness of their vocabularies illustrated 
— light thrown by languages on the condition of those who spoke them 

— unique position of English pp. 19-39 



CHAPTER III 

Early history of a language to be learnt from a comparison with others — 
foreign influence on Teutonic speeches before the English conquest 
of Britain — loan-words from Latin — from Celtic — Celtic Britain as 

ix 



Contents 

a Roman province — results as regards language — contrast with Gaul 
— Latin of the First Period — relations between Celts and English — 
origin of the word Wales — the Celtic stock — earliest borrowings 
from Celtic — later borrowings — geographical names . pp. 40-51 



CHAPTER IV 

The Saxon Shore — the Saxons as seamen — their character in the fifth 
century — abandonment of sea-faring life after settlement in Britain — 
influence of the earlier life to be seen in Old English — words denot- 
ing water, ships, seamen, sea-faring — inference from such words — 
Teutonic conquests in Britain — Bede's account — notices in the 
Anglo-Saxon Chronicle — bearing of these upon language — possi- 
bility of other tribes than those mentioned by Bede having taken part 
in the conquest — the Angles give the name to the language and the 
land — the Jutes pp. 52-63 



CHAPTER V 

The position of the Teutons in Britain secured before the end of the 6th 
century — the coming of Christianity to England — its spread — a 
measure of its influence on the language — learning in England before 
the end of the 8th century — libraries — learning among the Celts and 
its relation to the English — the decay of learning in the 9th century 
described by Alfred — his attempts to promote education — revival of 
learning in the 10th century — Dunstan — ^Elfric — Latin charters — 
absence of foreign material in the language before the Norman Con- 
quest — the larger knowledge of the English due to Christianity — 
the consequent change of the language .... pp. 64-77 



CHAPrER VI 

Learning in England — the Latin authors chiefly studied were the Christian 
writers — Latin of the Second Period — Latin-English hybrids — the 
Latin element, except in special classes of words, really small — changed 
conditions of life implied by some of the Latin words — expansion of 
the native language — parallel Latin and English words — contrast 



Contents xi 

of Old English with Modern English in respect to the use of foreign 
material — illustration of this from translations of the Scriptures — 
ecclesiastical terms — scientific terms--terms of grammar — of As- 
tronomy — other classes of words — the method by which the use of 
Latin words was avoided — importance of the influence of Christianity 
on the language . . pp. 78-101 



CHAPTER VII 

Peculiarities of the poetic diction in Old English — antiquity of poetry 
among Teutonic peoples — early specimens of Teutonic poetry — poetry 
a favourite form of entertainment — held in high esteem — Teutonic 
words connected with poetry — the survival of heathen ideals in 
Christian poetry — Old English poems, Beowulf, Battle of Brunan- 
burghy Battle of Maldon, Judith, St Andrew — the language of the 
poems examined — Christian saints described as Teutonic warriors — 
the old idea of the relations between the lord and the follower pre- 
served — the old social life — the Old Saxon poetry like the Old 
English — recurrence of phrases and imagery — vocabulary of poetry 
distinct from that of prose — alliteration — loss of the poetic 
vocabulary pp. 102-128 



CHAPTER VIII 

Decay of learning in England after the appearance of the Danes — the 
outpouring from * the populous north ' — physical and political condi- 
tions of Norway and Denmark — Danish attacks on England and the 
settlements which followed — Alfred's treaty with the Danes — a 
permanent Scandinavian element in England — Danish rule in Eng- 
land — the character of the Danes as shewn in their conflict with the 
English — Danish influence on language to some extent destructive 
— Danish loan-words — not numerous, but many of them character- 
istic of their source — terms connected with law, with the sea, with 
war — general terms — amount of indebtedness implied by the loan- 
words — evidence from Middle English literature of borrowing in 
earlier times — Danish words in the literature and in dialects — the 
determination of a Scandinavian origin for words used in English — 
Danish characteristics in English pp. 129-150 



xii Contents 



CHAPTER IX 

Object of the chapter — general remarks on the Old English specimens, 
variety of subjects treated in them, Christian influence strongly 
marked, the language of Southern England mostly represented — 
King Alfred as a writer — his translations, Gregory's Cura Pastoralis, 
Orosius' History, Boethius' De Consolatione Philosophiae — specimen 
of his original composition — Alfred and the Old English Chronicles — ■ 
specimen of these Annals — other works associated with Alfred — his 
influence on later times — ^Elfric and his writings — specimen of his 
style — Wulfstan as a contrast to ^Elfric — other Old English prose 
woiks grouped according to subjects — Glosses and Glossaries — 
poetical literature — Kentish, Mercian, and Northumbrian specimens 
— the retention of the Old English vocabulary in that of Modern 
English — illustration from the works of Alfred and yElfric — the 
employment of the Old English element by later writers illustrated 

pp. 151-173 



CHAPTER X 

The early West-Saxon vowel system and the development it shews — the 
common Teutonic vowel system — changes in the consonant structure 
of words which have already taken place in the oldest English — 
doubling of consonants — loss of consonants — early writing — use of 
the Latin alphabet — use of Runes — grammatical forms common to 
many languages — the noun and its inflection in modern English — 
inferences that may be drawn from them — scheme of Old English 
declensions — zveak and strong declensions — early loss and confusion 
of grammatical forms — continuousness of change — later history of 
change — different conditions of Northern and Southern English — 
prepositions instead of case-endings — declension of the adjective — 
its case-endings preserved by the pronouns — comparison — the con- 
jugation of the verb — strong verbs — scheme of these in Old English 
— reduplication in verbs — zveak verbs — scheme of these in Old Eng- 
lish — traces of an earlier scheme — evidence from Gothic — preterite- 
present verbs — verbs in -mi — presents with infixed n — mood — 
person — changes in conjugation since the Old English period — 
Anglo-Saxon and English pp. 174-202 



Contents xiii 



CHAPTER XI 

Traces of foreign influence in English before the Norman Conquest slight 

— difference between conditions of Norman influence and those of 
earlier influences — the term Norman-French — Latin in Gaul — its 
character — the Franks in Gaul — they adopt the language of the 
conquered — the Northmen in France — they adopt the language 
of France — Norman influence in England before 1066 — the Nor- 
man Conquest — fusion of Norman and English — French in England 
- — a mark of race — a mark of class — use of French in the 14th 
century — disuse of French after 1350 — in schools — among the 
upper classes — as an official language — Latin of the Third Period 

— loss of old words — limitation in the use of old material — English 
after 1066 — the position of English dialects — continuous series of 
English writings — the English Chronicle in 11 54 — the Southern 
dialect c. 1200 — the Ancren Riwle — Layamon's Brut — the East 
Midland dialect — the Ormulum — the Southern dialect c. 1300 — 
Robert of Gloucester's Chronicle — its vocabulary — its grammar — 
the East Midland dialect — Robert of Brunne's Handlyng Synne — 
the Northern dialect — the Northumbrian Psalter — the Kentish 
dialect — the Ayenbite of Inwyt — literary English of the latter half 
of the 14th century — specimen from Chaucer — foreign element in 
its vocabulary — Old English element — grammatical forms — con- 
trasts between the language of literature in the nth and in the 14th 
centuries . . . . . . . . . pp. 203-239 

CHAPTER XII 

Important events in the 15th century; geographical discoveries, the fall 
of Constantinople, the invention of printing — specimens of 15th 
century English, Occleve's Governail of Princes, Pecock's Repressor y 
Malory's Morte Darthur — effects of printing — classical learning in 
England in the 16th century — influence of modern languages on 
English in the 16th century — Ascham's criticism of English — Wilson 
on English style — excessive use of foreign words — the locality of the 
best English — description of the Court — satires on the abuses in 
language — masque by Sidney — Shakspere's Love's Labour's Lost — 
Spenser's attempt to revive obsolete words — style in English writers 



s 



xiv Contents 

— Euphuism — its popularity — extract from Euphues — Drayton on 
Euphuism — good English in the 16th century — Lord Berners' trans- 
lation of Froissart's Chronicle — Tyndal's translation of the New 
Testament — Sir T. More's Confutation of Tyndal — North's Plutarch 

— Sidney's Apologie for Poetrie ♦ pp. 240-270 

CHAPTER XIII 

The language of the early part of the 17th century — classical studies — 
Burton — his Anatomy of Melancholy — Sir Thomas Browne's Vulgar 
Errors — its scientific vocabulary — Milton's Areopagitica — its vo- 
cabulary — its style — Dryden's Essay of Dramatic Poetry — modern 
in vocabulary and style — writers of the first half of the 18th century 
■ — Addison and Swift on words from foreign languages — Johnson and 
his style — example of Addison's style — Johnson's criticism of it — 
contrast to it shewn by Johnson's style in the Rambler — influence 
of Johnson on the language of his time — his influence not permanent 

— English in the 19th century — the earlier history of the language 
indicated by its present form pp. 271-284 



OUTLINES OF THE HISTORY 



OF 



THE ENGLISH LANGUAGE 



OUTLINES OF THE HISTORY OF 
THE ENGLISH LANGUAGE 

CHAPTER I 

The history of a language a record of change — self-adjusting character of 
language — inevitability of change — views of some English writers on 
. the possibility of arresting change — different kinds of change illus- 
trated — connection between names and things — illustrations from 
English — metaphorical language — development of that part of the 
vocabulary which expresses abstract ideas — change of form in words 
— general purpose of the chapter. 

1. With the speech we use it is somewhat as with the 
land we live in — familiarity with an object, our 

' J ' Language 

idea of which is not disturbed by the conscious- an implement 
ness of rapid or extensive change, makes us unapt ^g^ ^ nder " 
to notice the evidence that bears witness to the tinuous modi- 
conditions under which each has come to take 
the familiar form. Examination of the country, however, leads 
to the discovery of a story of extreme interest, that tells of various 
change, of violent disturbance or of gradual modification, of 
forces which have left their enduring impressions to be the 
witnesses of their existence — a story which finds confirma- 
tion and illustration from comparison of our own with other 
countries. A like story, not less interesting, belongs to the 
speech — a story of continuous change under influences of vary- 
ing intensity ; and as one story tells how a country became the 

B I 



2 Outlines of the History of the English Language 

fitting home of those who live in it, so the other tells how the 
speech became the fitting implement of those who use it. It 
is an implement, however, we learn to use so early, that later 
we are unconscious that there was any difficulty in the learning ; 
and we are as apt to forget that this so easily acquired language 
is the outcome of long ages of development, as to ignore the 
varied story of the ground on which we tread. 

But if we come to think a little of our implement we shall 
find it to be an instance of wonderful continuous self-adjustment. 
Take the main elements of modern English, the material which 
is drawn from Old English, Latin and Greek ; even if we go 
no further back than historic times in the case of each, yet the 
use of such material implies that the same material that could 
serve the purpose of language for those who lived under the 
conditions which belonged to the old Englishman, the Latin 
and the Greek, can still serve that purpose for those who live 
under the widely different conditions of modern England. The 
different life has not necessitated the creation of new material, 
it has needed merely the adaptation of the old. But, further, 
behind historic times lie others of yet simpler life, when the 
same process of adaptation was going on ; and taking historic 
and prehistoric times together we get the wonderful develop- 
ment which produced from language material that served the 
purpose of simplest life, the main part of a speech that meets 
the needs of modern England. 

A special case in the story of development, that should 
perhaps be noticed, is suggested by the reference to Old English 
and Latin and Greek. In very many instances material that 
has been shaped elsewhere has been transferred to England ; 
words that had got their force and form from use by Latin or 
Greek started on a new course among new surroundings. But, 
from the point of view of the continuous development we are 
trying to consider, it is still old material we have to deal with, 
not a new creation, as much as if we were dealing with native 
English words. In steam-engine and telegraph Old English, 



Chapter I 3 

Latin and Greek are represented, but each form is in the 
same way a case of the application of old material to new uses. 
2. But though material which is in use at one time may 
still be used with more or less modification at Modification 
a later, yet this continued life does not belong |n language 
to all words ; and this change in the direction V i eW s on this 
of loss, as well as the other in the direction of P° int of 

Johnson, 

modification, follows necessarily from the nature swift, 
of the work required of language. Language is Puttenham - 
the expression of thought ; that with which the mind can con- 
cern itself needs words to express it. A people's language must 
be in proportion to their knowledge ; with changed conditions 
must come corresponding change in language. Old material, 
if retained, must often adapt itself to new uses, while in other 
cases that which is denoted by a word either no longer remains 
an object for the mind to consider, or another word is chosen to 
denote it : in either case there is loss of old material. And here 
it may be not uninteresting to notice how far the irresistible 
and uncontrollable character of change in language has been 
appreciated by some who have had occasion to observe the 
effects of that change. Johnson in the preface to his Dictionary 
confesses that he had for a while flattered himself with the hope 
that his work ' should fix our language, and put a stop to those 
alterations which time and chance have hitherto been suffered 
to make in it without opposition.' But further experience 
brought him to the conclusion that with justice would e the 
lexicographer be derided, who, being able to produce no 
example of a nation that has preserved their words and phrases 
from mutability, shall imagine that his dictionary can secure 
his language from corruption and decay, that it is in his power 
to change sublunary nature, and clear the world at once from 
folly, vanity, and affectation.' Somewhat earlier Swift had 
written ' A proposal for correcting, improving, and ascertaining 
the English tongue, in a letter to the Lord High Treasurer ' ; 
in this he says, ' What I have most at heart is, that some 



4 Outlines of the History of the English Language 

method should be thought on for ascertaining and fixing our 
language for ever after such alterations are made in it as 
shall be thought requisite.' The true state of the case had 
been realised by a yet earlier writer, Puttenham, who in his 
Arte of English Poesie (1589) concludes a chapter on language 
by this rendering of some lines of Horace : 

Many a word yfalne shall eft arise, 
And such as now bene held in hiest prise 
Will fall as fast, when use and custom will, 
Onely umpiers of speach, for force and skill. 

3. And of the inability of the individual to anticipate or 
The com- control the verdict of these ' onely umpiers ' the 
munity, not same chapter gives examples. The writer, when 
decide^what* 1 ' considering the appropriateness of some of the 
words shall newer words he has used, looks with as much 
illustrations favour upon placation and assub tiling, as upon 
of this point, function and refining ; while on the other hand au- 
dacious, egregious and compatible, equally with facundity, implete 
and attemptat, it is admitted, are ' not so well to be allowed of us.' 
Swift, too, will illustrate the same point by his comment upon 
words that now are generally accepted. In l A letter to a young 
clergyman ' he says, ' I defy the greatest divine to produce any 
law either of God or man, which obliges me to comprehend the 
meaning of omniscience, omnipresence, ubiquity, attribute, beatific 
vision, with a thousand others so frequent in pulpits, any more 
than that of eccentric, idiosyncrasy, entity, and the like.' On words 
of another class Swift's great contemporary, Addison, looked 
with a disfavour which has not in all cases been felt by later 
times. Thanks to the wars, foreign words were coming in to 
the language, and, to judge by No. clxv. of the Spectator, 
Addison's vote was given against morass, reconnoitre, defile, 
marauding, army corps, gasconade, carte blanche ; but time has 
shewn that he voted with the minority. And that the individual 
is as powerless to prolong the life of the old or to recover the 



Chapter I 5 

lost, as to prevent the introduction of the new, "may be seen in 
the case of Spenser, of whom Ben Jonson in his Discoveries 
declared, and use in later times has practically justified the 
statement, that ' Spenser, in affecting the ancients, writ no 
language/ 

What has just been said may suggest that change in the 
vocabulary, whether in the direction of gain or of loss, is 
determined as it were by an unconscious plebiscite. Words, 
whether old or new, are always liable to challenge ; with 
changed conditions of life it may be a question whether a 
word be any longer necessary, and where a new word presents 
itself it may be a question whether it be the fittest for the 
work. 'Politien] says Puttenham in the previously quoted 
chapter, ' at this day usuall in Court, and with all good secre- 
taries : and cannot find an English word to match him ' : the 
word is presented, is tried, is not without merit in some eyes, 
but the vote is given against it, and it disappears. 

4. This change by way of gain or loss may be very 
abundantly illustrated in the case of English. „ . 

m , . ii- iiii Modification 

To the instances already given may be added by gain or loss 
others, some of which may perhaps be of service of (™as d a result 
in throwing light upon the progress of language in of modification 
prehistoric times. Consider for example the revo- 
lution involved in the acceptance of Christianity by the English. 
Words connected with their earlier form of faith disappeared ; 
the Gothic gudja and the Icelandic gddi are native words for 
priest, but no corresponding form remains in English. The 
names of the gods, Tiw, Woden, Thunor were lost, though here 
we have a case in which, as it were, fossil remains can bear 
witness to the earlier living forms, for the names of the days of 
the week remained in Christian times. Take a pursuit that 
has been followed from earliest till latest times, but under ever 
varying conditions — that of war ; the vocabulary of its terms 
has been continually diminishing and enlarging, as one method 
of warfare is supplanted by another ; the earlier weapons are 



6 Outlines of the History of the English Language 

to be found only in a museum, and their names must be 
looked for in a dictionary of archaic words. Science, too, has 
changed ; the terms of the chemist take the place of those of 
the alchemist, whose vocabulary becomes obsolete, as anyone 
may see who will read Ben Jonson's play. 

But loss is not due alone to the fact that ideas no longer 

(2) as a result nee d to be expressed, or gain alone to the fact 

of competition that new ideas need expression. There may be 

between . . , _ , 

words of like competition between words that are practically 
meaning. equivalent, and this was often the case, as we 

shall see later, after the Norman Conquest, when those who 
had been called Axigzl-fieod came under the influence of a 
speech which was to supply material for their later appellation — 
the English people. But the same occurs with English words ; 
the old f>a dies out, and ponne (then) does its work ; mid in the 
same way yields to with ; sooth almost entirely disappears, its 
place being taken by true; except as a dialect form Keo 
(Lancashire hoo) is ousted by she ; and in the declension of the 
same pronoun the whole plural (hi, hiera, him) has been given 
up in favour of the demonstrative they, their, them. The two 
last changes may perhaps be taken as suggestive of selection 
in much earlier times, when we note that of a pronoun so 
common in English as is he, so little use is made by German, 
that the form heute is almost the only instance of its occurrence. 
5. From adaptation by means of loss or gain we may turn 
Modification to another case, that in which the material of 
by alteration language is preserved, but with altered value. 

of meaning: ° ° r 7 

the relation And the possibility of such adaptation depends 
words C and upon the character of the connection between 
things. a word and that which the word denotes. In 

its origin a word is a symbol which, being expressive of what 
is considered the main attribute of some thing, will serve to 
denote that thing. For instance (taking for granted a not 
quite certain etymology), the distinctive attribute of one of the 
heavenly bodies seems to have been for our forefathers that 



Chapter I 7 

it enabled them to measure time, and the word they used to 
mark it — its name — was moon. But things may have many 
attributes, and not all people are equally impressed by each, so 
that with different people the same thing will have different 
names. The forefathers of the Latin race seem to have been 
most impressed by the brilliancy of the same heavenly body, 
and this brightness determines their name, lu{c)na. It is the 
same process in each case ; the selection of an ^attribute, and 
then the application of some form expressive of such attribute 
to serve as a name for the thing. Now consider the case 
of a word that has so arisen. The object to which it belongs, 
if it still remains for the users of the word to exercise 
their minds on, may present itself to them in a very different 
light from that in which it shewed itself to the originators of 
the word ; just as in earlier times it may have struck different 
people differently (cf. moon and lima above) . For us the moon 
is not specially the measure of time ; it is rather as the earth's 
attendant that we think of it, and so to us the moon suggests 
a different idea; so much so that we can use it of a body 
which stands to another in a relation like that of the moon to 
the earth ; we can speak of Jupiter's moons, though in this 
case the original idea of measuring time has no place. The 
connection between word and thing is such, that it does not 
restrict to the latter the application of the former. And this 
naturally. For consider how we get at the meaning of a word ; 
it is in the end a matter of inference ; a word is used, we note 
with more or less accuracy the circumstances in which it is 
used, and thence infer the meaning. A word is a ticket that 
is not indissolubly and exclusively the property of the thing 
it may once have marked. If the first naming of a thing may 
be compared with the marking of it by a ticket denoting its 
main attribute, the later history of the word may be compared 
with the transference of that ticket to another object, which 
has some attribute in common with the first, and its use 
to mark the new object ; and the transference may go on 



8 Outlines of the History of the English Language 

indefinitely. Our inference of the meaning of a word is the 
assumption that the ticket is to mark a certain attribute, and 
where that attribute exists, there we use our ticket. But it may 
very well happen that we are thinking of a very different attri- 
bute from that which was intended at an earlier time, and thus 
the use of the ticket is changed, i.e. the word has changed its 
meaning. It will be seen how important to the economical 
development of language is (to continue the figure) this ready 
transference of tickets, by which old tickets may be used for 
new objects, instead of making new ones. 

6. In illustration of what has just been said, a few common 
illustrations English words may be considered. In the oldest 
of § 5 . Knight, English knight and knave (the old forms are 
cniht and cnapa) could be used with much the 
same meaning. Thus those whom ^Elfric in his treatise on 
the New Testament speaks of as 'hinge cnihtas,' he calls 
'cnapan' directly afterwards; and in Matt. xii. 18, where the 
West-Saxon translator renders puer by cnapa, the North- 
umbrian gloss has cnceht: Ine's laws speak of a ten-year-old 
cniht; in the metrical paraphrase of Genesis, the angel in 
restraining Abraham from the sacrifice of Isaac is made to 
say : i pu cwicne abregd cniht of ade ' ; while in the prose trans- 
lation of the passage telling of Hagar and her child in the 
wilderness, Ishmael is called cnapa, and the same word is used 
in speaking of Joseph when he is cast into the pit. The 
original idea in the case of each word seems to be that of youth. 
But youth is a time of subordination, of service, and already in 
the oldest English the words are used of attendants or servants, 
without necessarily implying youth. Thus in Gen. xxiv. 65 
cniht is used of one described in v. 2 as servus senior; and in 
the translation of Boethius, Ulysses' followers are spoken of as 
cnihtas ealde ge giunge {Met 26, 85) ; in Luke xii. 45 percutere 
pueros et ancillas is translated ' beatan j?a cnihtas and Jnnena,' 
and in Gen. xxii. 5 Abraham's two servants are called cnapan. 
Now two directions in which the idea of service might develop 



Chapter I g 

are suggested by special senses, military and domestic, of our 
word service — the service has the one, to be in service has the 
other. The former idea became associated with cniht (^Elfric 
translates ' non sine causa portat miles gladium ' by ' Ne byrS 
na se cniht butan intingan his $wurd'), the latter with cnapa. 
But military matters changed with the coming of the Normans. 
Apparently the English made little use of cavalry. In the 
poem on the battle of Maldon (991) we are told that the 
English leader made his men leave their horses, and he him- 
self, after drawing up his forces, dismounted. And the A.-S. 
Chronicle (1055) gives as a reason for the ill success of 
the English, under the leadership of the Norman Raulf, in a 
fight with the Welsh, 'they were on horses.' This method of 
warfare, however, became familiar after the Norman Conquest ; 
accordingly we find from Layamon (c. 1200) that the cniht was 
becoming a horseman, eques rather than miles : 

cnihtes. . . 

mid wepnen and mid horsen, 

swa behoueth to cnihtes, ill. 6. 

But not every mounted soldier was to be a cniht, any more 
than every such is to be accounted among a nation's chivalry. 
The knight came to be the soldier of distinguished bravery, who 
received his title for his prowess. The word came to be a 
military title. But it does not remain with this limitation ; the 
title was conferred on other grounds. Sir Andrew Aguecheek 
was a knight ' dubb'd with unhatch'd rapier, and on carpet 
consideration ' ; and, thanks to the way in which the title was 
conferred, it ran some risk of losing its honourable character. 
The change that has been brought about in the word may be 
further illustrated by comparing the use of knighthood in the 
older and later times. 'Our cnihthad] says ^Elfric, 'is as the 
third hour of the day ' ; while Scott can say, 

Knighthood he took of Douglas' sword 
When English blood swelled Ancram ford. 



IO Outlines of the History of the English Language 

While knight may be taken as an instance of the ascent of 
a word in the scale of dignity, knave is a case of descent. 
Coining down to Chaucer's time it is used, irrespective of age, 
to denote a servant : 

Who saued Danyel in the horrible caue 

Ther euery wyght saue he, maister and knave, 

Was with the leoun frete. M. of L. 474. 

And in the contemporary Vision of Piei's the Plowman^ 

' I shal arraye me to ride,' quod resoun, * reste the a while ' — 
And called Catoun his knave. Pass. iv. 16. 

And from the same poem it may be seen that knight and 
knave had so far developed that they can be contrasted : 

For in charnel atte chirche, cherles ben yuel to knowe, 
Or a kniyte from a knaue there, knowe this in thin herte. 

TextC, ix. 51. 

The meaning of servant is still had in Shakspere's time, 
as when Shylock speaks of his house, 

left in the fearful guard 
Of an unthrifty knave. M. of V. I. 3. 

But it has also another, the origin of which is suggested by 
the quotation. Quite another attribute than service seems to 
have been noted as the badge of the servant tribe — roguery ; 
so whether in service or not the rogue was called a knave. 
' A rascally, yea- forsooth knave,' says Falstaff of the unaccom- 
modating mercer. It is in this last sense almost exclusively 
that the word is now used, though, again, we have as it were 
the fossil that tells of earlier life in the knave of a pack of 
cards. It has come to pass, then, by gradual change that two 
words, which for the old Englishman were so near together 
that he could render the same Latin word by them, now stand 
at opposite ends of the scale — the honourable knight and the 
infamous knave. The same two words may be further utilised 
to shew how the same material develops on quite different 



Chapter I 1 1 

lines in different places, for the German knecht and knabe do 
not at all correspond to our knight and knave. 

The word town may be taken as an instance of a form 
adapting itself to varying requirements. The 
early idea connected with it is that of enclosure ; 
in Old English le&c-tun {leek-town) , and wyrt-tun {wort-town) 
denote a garden, and there is the verb tynan — to close; and 
German still has Zaun — hedge. A further development is seen 
in the Icelandic use of the word, where it refers to an enclosure 
within which a house is built, and so can denote the farmhouse 
with its buildings. The like use is found in English, as when in 
Luke xv. 15 the Latin villa is translated in the earliest version 
by tun, and in Wicklif 's by toun. But in England habitations 
were not so isolated as in Iceland, and the term which in one 
country is applied to a single dwelling, was used in the other 
of a group. We need not, however, go so far as Iceland to 
illustrate the former use, but may quote Scott, where he says, 
'Waverley learned... that in Scotland a single house was called 
a town.'' And the quotation may be taken as suggestive of the 
varying fortunes of the word, when we find from it that Tully- 
Veolan and Edinburgh are equally entitled to the name of 
town. 

Even words whose force might seem incapable of modifi- 
cation may yet acquire new significance. The 

r 1 i -iiii thou, you. 

pronoun of the second person might be thought 
to give little scope for change, but the Elizabethan literature, 
or the history of the early Quakers, will shew how much more 
than a mere grammatical difference, which was all that sepa- 
rated them in the earlier time, had come to distinguish thou 
and you. The latter had come to be considered the respect- 
ful form of address in speaking to a single person. Thus it 
will be noticed in the scene between the king and his son, 
1 Henry IV. Act in. Sc. ii., you is always used by the 
latter, but thou by the former. To use thou to a superior, 
or to an equal who was not an intimate, was an affront, 



12 Outlines of the History of the English Language 

and hence came Sir Toby Belch's malicious advice to Sir 
Andrew Aguecheek, ' Taunt him with the licence of ink : if 
thou thou'st him some thrice, it shall not be amiss.' T. N. 
Act in. Sc. ii. But from the records of real life the point 
may best be illustrated. George Fox taught his followers to 
adhere to a grammatical accuracy, which, as he pointed out, 
even those who were most exacting in their demand for the 
honourable you, still observed where the highest honour was 
to be paid — in addressing the Deity. How much more was 
involved than a mere question of language may be seen from 
this passage in his Journal: ' Few afterwards were so rugged 
toward us for saying Thou and Thee to a single person, for 
which before they were exceedingly fierce against us. Thou 
and Thee was a sore cut to proud flesh, and them that sought 
self-honour, who, though they would say it to God and Christ, 
would not endure to have it said to themselves. So that we 
were often beaten and abused, and sometimes in danger of our 
lives, for using those words to some proud men, who would 
say, "What ! you ill-bred clown, do you Thou me? " as though 
Christian breeding consisted in saying You to one ; which is 
contrary to all their grammar and teaching books, by which 
they instructed their youth,' p. 293. Since this was written 
use has once more changed : thou now belongs to poetry or 
to exalted prose, and it may yet be heard in dialects (e.g. 
Lancashire), while you is the form of ordinary speech. But 
at the present time the German Du has much of the force 
of the Elizabethan thou, and the French verb tutoyer = to thou 
(see above) a person suggests that in French tu has been some- 
thing more than the mere singular of vous. 

7. Another means of economical development of language 
material is afforded bv the practice of extending 

Economical " . . . 

extension of the application of a word beyond its first limits 

language by anc | usm2 r it to denote that which bears some 

means of ... 

metaphorical, likeness to the original which the word denoted, 
figurative use: Thug for the attendant bodies, which above have 



Chapter I 13 

been referred to as moons, we might use the word satellites, 
because they are as it were the body-guards of the larger bodies 
round which they revolve. The importance of this kind of 
development is at once evident, when it is considered in the 
first place, that, as the terms imply, all metaphorical, figurative 
speech is owing to such extension, and next how far language 
is metaphorical. By way of statement of the case and at the 
same time illustration of it we may take this passage from 
Carlyle : ' Language is called the Garment of Thought : how- 
ever, it should rather be, Language is the Flesh-garment, the 
Body, of Thought. I said that Imagination wove this Flesh- 
garment ; and does not she ? Metaphors are her stuff : examine 
Language ; what, if you except some few primitive elements 
(of natural sound), what is it all but metaphors, recognised 
as such, or no longer recognised ; still fluid and florid, or now 
solid-grown and colourless ? If those same primitive elements 
are the osseous fixtures in the Flesh-garment, Language — then 
are Metaphors its muscles and tissues and living integuments. 
An unmetaphorical style you shall in vain seek for : is not your 
very Attention a Stretching-to ? The difference lies here : some 
styles are lean, adust, wiry, the muscle itself seems osseous ; 
some are even quite pallid, hunger-bitten and dead-looking; 
while others again glow in the flush of health and vigorous 
self-growth, sometimes not without an apoplectic tendency.' 
Sartor IZesartus, p. 64. Where, as this passage points out, 
material is so abundant, selection is difficult ; we may take 
a particular case, that in which the terms of terms of 
special pursuits are transferred to the vocabulary suUs used^ 
of general terms. Such instances may serve to generally: 
suggest for early times a development like that which they 
themselves shew, and further to illustrate slightly the point, 
that a language reflects the condition of the people who use 
it, inasmuch as they imply that such pursuits have strongly 
engaged the attention of those in whose language they are 
found. Naturally those who have had as much to do with 



14 Outlines of the History of the English Language 

the water as have the English will adopt into their speech the 
phraseology which is born on that element ; to sail near the 
wind, to take the wind out of one 's sails, to be on such and such a 
tack, to put in one's oar, to be all in the same boat, to clear the 
deck, to stem the tide, against the stream, have all been transferred 
to land. War has given us such phrases as to lay siege to, to 
take by storm ; and the tournament has left its traces in to enter 
the lists, and to break a lance for a person or a cause. From 
hunting and fowling we get run to earth, at bay, on the scent, 
to make a dead set, decoy, at one fell swoop, to fly at high game. 
From fencing comes to parry, a home thrust ; from archery to 
be a butt, to hit the mark; rub and bias we owe to the game of 
bowls, handicap to racing ; to take one's cue, to play a part, tell 
of the theatre ; and gambling, which had as strong a hold upon 
the early Teuton as it has upon his latest descendant, has left 
its mark in to play for a great stake, the die is cast, within a?i ace, 
above board, a sure card, to turn up trumps. The few instances 
just given may not, in all cases, be allowed the dignity of 
literary English, but they deserve notice as illustrating a kind 
of development which may very well have done much in the 
early times of a language to increase its powers of ex- 
pression. 

As an instance of the possibilities of development in the 
development case of material which to begin with is of sim- 
meanineso^ plest meaning the prepositions may be taken, 
prepositions: which starting with the expression of local rela- 
tions come to express relations that have some analogy or 
connection with the local, but are of a far more abstract 
character. Thus by denotes local nearness, to stand by a 
person, in its literal sense, is to stand near him ; but it has 
the other meaning, to assist him, which naturally follows from 
the former, because in order to give assistance to a person one 
must be near him. The same phrase has yet another sense, 
the opposite of the preceding, as in 'Stand by, I am holier than 
thou.' Again, as the agent or the instrument may be expected 



Chapter I 15 

to be near that upon which either operates, agency and instru- 
mentality are marked by the word. So, too, a person must get 
near that which he obtains, and we can speak of coming by 
anything, meaning getting possession of it. But we can also say 
to come by train, where it is means we are marking. Nearness 
may also imply agreement, and by all accounts is much the 
same as according to all accounts. In the same way for, which 
marks one thing as being in front of another, admits of ex- 
tension. To be in front of another is to be in the position of a 
defender, we may fight for a person ; or the idea of advocate or 
representative is suggested, we may plead for, or act for, another. 
Hindrance, again, may be marked, for aught I can see ; or 
cause, they did it for envy. And it is the same with all the 
words of this class. 

Other illustrations of development, where from a supposed 
connection between the material and the non- 

1 r application 

material the words which denote the former have to the non- 
given rise to those which denote the latter, are ^ms^denot- 
seen in the following. We speak of a person as ing the 
being jovial, or mercurial, or saturnine ; the words ma ( 
are derived from the names of the planets, which according to 
the belief of an earlier time could influence the dispositions of 
men. The moon, too, could exercise an influence, and hence 
the word lunatic. Or, again, we have courage, melancholy, 
phlegmatic, choleric ; the words are based on the names of parts 
of the body, which parts were supposed to be in some way 
connected with the qualities denoted by the words. And 
the words remain, although the beliefs to which they are due 
may now be rejected. One other instance of this class may 
be considered rather more fully, as in this case the stages 
between an early simple physical meaning, and a later one 
that has been found not very easy to define, are fairly marked. 
We may look to Ben Jonson for an explanation of the develop- 
ment which the word humour had reached in his time, and 
may note in passing, that development becomes degradation, 



1 6 Outlines of the History of the English Language 

if a language is shaped by careless users, as when humour was 
being maltreated by Corporal Nym and his kind. Very properly 
objecting to such abuse, he desired, as he says in the Induction 
to Every Man out of his Humour, 

To give these ignorant well-spoken days 

Some taste of their abuse of this word humour. 

And then explains what is the proper use according to its 

derivation : 

We do conclude 
That whatsoe'er hath fluxure and humidity 
Is humour. So in every human body, 
The choler, melancholy, phlegm, and blood, 
By reason that they flow continually 
In some one part, and are not continent, 
Receive the name of humours. Now thus far 
It may, by metaphor, apply itself 
Unto the general disposition : 
As when some one peculiar quality 
Doth so possess a man, that it doth draw 
All his effects, his spirits, and his powers, 
In their confluctions, all to run one way; 
This may be truly said to be a humour. 

It was in this sense that the word was used by Ben Jonson 
in the titles to his two plays, Every Man in his Humour and 
Every Man out of his Humour, and the adjective hui?iorous 
meant that a person was marked by this kind of humour, as in 
the title to another play, The Humorous Lieutenant, Something 
of the old meaning remains in good- or ill-humoured, or the 
less-used humours ome ; but mostly we connect a very different 
idea with the words humour, and humorous, than that which 
belonged to them in Ben Jonson's time. 

8. So far it has been from one point of view only that 
*„ *.* *.• words have been looked at — in respect to their 

Modification m l 

of the sounds work of conveying a meaning. But there is 
of a language: anotner point to be taken into account, where 
again the question of change arises — there is the spoken 



Chapter I 17 

form of a word, its pronunciation. And here from the nature 
of the case, quite as much as with the meaning, change is 
unavoidable. For the transmission of the spoken forms of 
words is due to successive imitations ; each individual attempts 
to reproduce that which he hears uttered, and while the result 
of the attempt must of course be so far successful, that the 
reproduction is recognisable as an imitation of its original, yet 
such success does not require or attain, at least over long periods 
or in the case of all words, exactness. Taking then even a 
form of speech which is current among so limited a community 
that at any particular time it may be considered practically 
uniform, it is certain that the descendants of such a community 
will not preserve the speech unchanged in this respect. English 
has had so varied a history that, as might be as in the case 
expected, it will offer abundant illustration of °oweis°hf 
such change ; for example, the long vowel- sounds English. 
of the old stan, cwln, writan, top, ut are in no cases kept in 
the modern stone, queen, write, tooth, out. Further, as is 
suggested by a comparison of writan with write, parts of a 
word may be lost in the course of successive transmissions ; 
no infinitive now has the old termination, and most of the 
inflections have suffered the same fate. Words, too, get 
contracted by those who will not make the effort necessary 
for giving each part of a word distinctly, as when feowertine 
niht is contracted to fortnight. The change under consideration 
has been so great that hardly a word, which both was used 
in Alfred's time and is used in our own, has the same form, 
written and spoken, at both times. 

Only very slightly has the adaptability of language to ever- 
varying needs of expression been illustrated. The intention 
with which such illustration as has been given is offered, has 
been in the first place to suggest that, if we even cursorily 
examine English as it is found during a not very extended 
period, we shall see changes of such a kind and extent as to 
make it appear possible that, if time be allowed for similar 
c 



1 8 Outlines of the History of the English Language 

changes to be worked out, language material, that did no more 
than satisfy the needs of a primitive state of existence, might 
have been a sufficient origin for the language of an advanced 
civilization like that of England to-day. And in the second place 
to suggest what a wonderful instance of development is furnished 
by such a language as English, what interest might be found 
in its history. 



CHAPTER II 



Relation to one another, and to the common original, of languages which 
have had a common source — England and America — the languages of 
modern Europe — their likeness — likeness due to borrowing — likeness 
due to common origin — the case of the Romance languages — regular 
differences between Latin and English worked out — the case of the 
two languages parallel to that of the Romance languages — the light 
hence thrown upon English by Latin — other languages may be 
associated with English — further knowledge of English which is thus 
gained — other languages maybe associated with Latin — the Aryan 
family — the classification of the Germanic or Teutonic group — its 
oldest monuments — the likeness of their vocabularies illustrated — 
light thrown by languages on the condition of those who spoke them 
— unique position of English. 

1. The extent and character of change in the language 
of a country has been slightly illustrated in the The 
preceding chapter by the help of some common to one another, 
English words. As an introduction to the present common ° 
chapter a particular case of change in a language original, of 
which also may be illustrated from the later his- which have 
tory of English, may be noticed ; that, namely, had a co ™ mon 
where from the migration of a section of the case of Eng- 
main body of its speakers a language develops America 
simultaneously under different conditions. Such 
is the case of English in England and in the United States ; and 
already there are differences noticeable when the speech of one 
country is compared with that of the other; e.g. though guess 
and calculate are current in both, yet neither is used in both 

19 



20 Outlines of the History of the English Language 

with exactly the same force ; dollar and cent are not ours ; the 
pronunciation of America is not that of England. Taking, then, 
English both in its old home and in lands to which its speakers 
have migrated, we may get a suggestion of what might happen 
in the case of the language material of a community whose 
descendants after long time should be found in widely scattered 
groups, each group having been subjected to conditions different 
alike from those of the parent community and from those of 
every other group. The American and the Englishman can 
still for the most part understand one another, but if it were 
possible to bring together the subjects of King Alfred and 
those of Queen Victoria, they would be mutually unintelligible. 
And so with the groups we have supposed : the description of 
the state of things at Babel might in time come to be applicable 
to them — they might not understand one another's speech ; nor 
might they understand the speech of the parent community 
from which they had descended. Now this condition of mutual 

Can the unintelligibility, which we have taken to be a 

languages of possible result in the case supposed, is practically 
Europe be J ust wnat ex i sts among the various peoples of 

taken as an- Europe ; the present actual condition agrees 

with the result that might be expected on the 
hypothesis that a single speech had had varied opportunities 
of development. Can we find reasons for supposing that the 
actual condition of the early times agrees equally well with this 
hypothetical case, and in respect to a Babel-like multiplicity of 
languages in modern Europe can we say, as did the old observer 
of language in respect to the earlier ' confusion of tongues,' that 
at some previous time there had been ( one language and one 
speech ' ? An examination of the languages in question will 
furnish an answer. 

2. Though they are so far different that they are spoken 

They are °f as distinct speeches, yet in almost all cases 

alike - when they are compared with one another like- 

ness is to be recognised. Likeness, however, 



Chapter II 21 

may be due to various causes. There is that kind of likeness, 
so often occurring in English, which is due to Lik 
borrowing. Many of our words are like Latin due to borrow- 
words, but that is because they practically are ins ' 
Latin ; they are merely Latin words shaped by English speakers. 
There is, again, the likeness of French, Italian, Likeness due 
and Spanish words, which, as we know, is due origm^nd 
to the fact that they have a common origin, accompanied 
viz. Latin. Here we can see the same material difference, 
being shaped independently by different sets of R h / m c a a n s c e e ofthe 
speakers according to laws which may be de- languages, 
duced from an examination of the material on which they 
have operated. Thus Latin veritat- gives rise to French verite, 
to Italian veritd, to Spanish verdad. If now we compare 
English and Latin, of the first kind of likeness, as has been 
said, we can find endless instances. English has human, Latin 
has humanus, but the former is merely the latter in an English 
dress, and tells us nothing of the second kind of likeness, such 
as is seen in French, Italian, and Spanish. But alongside Latin 
homo, the material of which we have borrowed, we can put an 
English guma, really to be found in bridegroom (Old English 
bryd-gumd), and here it may turn out that we have an instance 
of the likeness that will, as in the case of verite, &c, point to 
common origin. Now it will be noticed that, in the three 
Romance languages referred to, the original material common 
to them all develops regularly in each of them ; thus if another 
word like veritat- be taken, e.g. humanitat-, the identical 
material in the two words has the same development in each 
language respectively, and we get French humanite, Italian 
humanita, Spanish humanidad ; so that we see the regular 
correspondence French -te, Italian -td, Spanish -dad. Moreover 
it may be seen how, if the links which connect the divergent 
forms of these modern speeches with their common source had 
been lost, it would still be possible to construct the common 
form with which each had been connected ; to the construction 



22 Outlines of the History of the English Language 

of veritat- French and Italian would contribute verit-, Italian 
and Spanish would provide -a, and Spanish, which seems to 
turn / to d, would give the final dental. The example of these 
speeches may suggest, in the first place, that if we want to 
establish the relation of common origin between English and 
Latin we should shew that there is a regular correspondence 
between English and Latin forms ; e.g. the correspondences 
between guma and homo, viz. that where English has g, Latin 
has h, that both have m, must be proved to be regular by 
shewing that to other English forms which have g or m, as 
guma has, will, if like it they have Latin parallels, correspond 
Latin forms with h or m. And the example may further 
suggest that, if the common origin be established, it may be 
possible to construct the common forms from which the Eng- 
lish and Latin words have developed. 

3. To work out in all its details the problem of cor- 

Likenessof respondence between Latin and English is 

the second unnecessary, but some part of it may be given. 

tioned in § 2 to And it may be noted, by the way, that, thanks 

be found on to tne peculiar influences under which English 

comparing L ° 

Latin and has been shaped, we can obtain much of the 

English. Latin material we need for comparison from 

our present vocabulary ; just as from homicide we might have 
got the material for comparison with guma instead of directly 
appealing to Latin homo. Turning then to a more particular 
consideration of the likeness of English to Latin, it is easy to 
find words which in both form and meaning may illustrate the 
point. Of this kind, for example, are words denoting the 
members of the family, such as paternal and fatherly, maternal 
and motherly, fraternal and brotherly. So, too, with numerals, 
unity is oneness, a dual control is one exercised by two parties, 
triple is threefold, to decimate is to take one out of every ten; 
and the old Englishman who rendered uni-cornis by an-hyrne 
was employing English material which corresponded with the 
Latin to an extent that he did not suspect. The pronouns, 



Chapter II 23 

again, offer material : the egoist is one who uses the pronoun / 
(older ic) too often. Sir Toby Belch's suggestion " If thou 
thou'st him " might be translated by means of Latin material — 
the French verb tutoyer ; Latin quidnunc is English what now. 
The same likeness is seen in some of our commonest verbs ; 
edible is eatable, the sedentary man is the one who sits much. 
Now looking at such words it will be seen that the relation of 
Latin paternus, triplex, edere, &c. to paternal, triple, edible, &c. 
is of a different character from that of the same Latin words 
to fatherly, threefold, eatable, &c. ; and that it is as different, to 
recur to the old example, as is the relation of Latin Veritas to 
Italian verita from that of Italian verita to Spanish verdad we 
will now try to shew by deducing a scheme of regular corre- 
spondence between English and Latin forms. 

Take the case of Latin material (either in the original Latin 
or in an English form) which contains a sound of , _. 

' (1) the regular 

a particular class, the hard (surd, breathed) difference of 
dental /, e.g. tu, triple, paternal, dental; on turning 
to native English words of identical meaning and similar form, 
it will be found that the place of the Latin / is in every case 
occupied by th, another dental, and we have thou, threefold, 
brotherly, tooth. Again, if Latin material be chosen that 
contains the soft (sonant, voiced) dental d, such as dental, 
decimate, cordial, pedal, the native English words of the same 
meaning, tooth, ten, hearty, foot, all shew / in place of d. To 
complete a correspondence of dental sounds which seems 
already suggested by the two cases already noticed, we ought 
to be able to take Latin forms having th, and find that these 
have equivalents in English shewing d. But though the latter 
sound is frequent enough in English, th is not to be found in 
Latin; and if we want an equivalent for the material of our 
door, it is to Latin fores that we must look. However, if we 
may so far anticipate as to allow an appeal to Greek, we may 
find material that will shew a dental to correspond to our 
English d, and Greek thura is our door, Greek thugater, our 



24 Outlines of the History of the English Language 

daughter. Approximately, at least, we have worked out a 
scheme of correspondence as follows : 

Latin /, f (th Greek), d. 
English th, d, t. 

If now another group of sounds be considered, and Latin 
(2) the regular material shewing c, h, g respectively be taken, a 
guttural 06 ° f similar scheme of correspondence with English 
sounds: may be worked out. Thus to Latin collis and 

cornu correspond English hill and horn, so that Latin c here 
finds its equivalent in English h. Again Latin homo, hostis, 
hortus may compare with our guma, guest, garden, which shew 
English g for Latin h ; while Latin gelidus and granum on 
comparison with English cold and corn give a third correspond- 
ence, Latin g = English c. With the same approximation as 
before we may accept the scheme : 

Latin c, h, g. 
English k, g, c. 

There remains a third group, the lip letters, to notice, and 
( ) there uiar f°^ owm g tne same order as in the two preceding 
difference of cases we see Latin pater and pellis have their 
equivalents in English father and fell, that to 
Latin ferre and f rater correspond English dear and brother; 
while in lubricus we may recognise the same material that is 
found in English slippery. A third scheme then might be 

tabulated : 

Latin p, f, b. 

English /, b, p. 

On looking at the three schemes it will be seen that they 

may be represented by one formula ; for whether 

schime general ^ ^ e tne dental, guttural, or labial group, the same 

place is occupied in each scheme by the hard, 

aspirate, or soft member of the group respectively in the case 

both of Latin and English. Thus we get a general form : 



Chapter II 2$ 

Latin h, a, s. 

English a, s, h. 
This result, though only a partial statement of the case, 
may be taken at least as going far to prove a regularity of 
difference between English and Latin words like that seen in 
the case of French, Italian, and Spanish, which was due to the 
development of those languages from a common source, and 
so to establish a like development in the case of English and 
Latin. 

4. That the scheme given above, so attractive in its sim- 
plicity, is partial, can easily be seen, for the form Regular devi- 
which seems required by theory is not in every ^"enera? 
case found in practice. If, however, such dis- scheme, 
crepancies are shewn to be apparent only, and to be in reality 
examples of other laws, so far from weakening the case for 
regular correspondence, that we wish to establish, they will 
furnish further proof in its favour. For instance, in the case of 
hostis and guest, while as regards the h and g theory and practice 
agree, in respect to the /, which appears in both, they do not; 
the reason for such apparent discrepancy is that the combination 
st is constant. Again, Latin decern and English ten satisfy the 
scheme so far as the initial dentals are concerned, but no form 
of the English numeral shews the h that should correspond to 
the Latin c. That the English word must, however, at one 
time have had a guttural is suggested by the earliest form of the 
-ty (in twenty &c), which was -tig, and that the guttural was h 
is shewn by the form of the word in a language which we shall 
see closely resembles English, viz. Gothic : there the numeral 
is written taihun. In just the same way our old English verb 
feon agrees, according to the scheme of dentals, with the Latin 
ducere, but fails as regards the gutturals. But in this case, too, 
either by referring to the past singular feah, or to the Gothic 
infinitive tiuhan, the required correspondence is established, 
and the apparent failure is explained by the law for English, 
that h between vowels disappears. 



26 Outlines of the History of the English Language 

But the most remarkable case of regular divergence from 
the scheme deduced above is that which may be 
Law fner S illustrated by the two words brother and father. 

In their present form, indeed, both seem equally 
in agreement with the general rule that Lat. / = Engl, th, but on 
looking to earlier times it will be found that while the older form 
of brother was bropor, that of father was feeder; the one keeps 
the rule, the other seems to break it. Now at one time the 
position of the accent was different in the two words ; in brother 
the accent was on the vowel preceding the th, in father it was 
not. In cases where the accent did not fall as in brother it 
will be found that English shews d, not th ; so the Latin mater, 
which is similar to pater, has for the corresponding English 
form mo dor, not mopor. Under the same conditions in the 
matter of accent a parallel divergence is seen in the case of the 
gutturals ; English shews g, not h, as the equivalent of the Latin 
c. So the Old English word for a leader, here-toga, is connected 
with the verb noticed above teon (= feohaii) which corresponds 
with Latin due ere, and toga may consequently be connected with 
Latin dux} The instances given may be enough to shew how 
deviations from the simple expression of correspondence by 
their regular character offer the same kind of evidence, as is 
afforded by that simple expression itself, as to the relation 
between English and Latin. 

5. Turning now to consider other sounds we shall find that 

again regularity of correspondence is recognis- 

resp^ndence of able. Thus Latin m and n are generally preserved 

other sounds: j n English, e.g. Lat. i7iater, me, homo, domare, 

nomen, noct-, novem, tenuis, cornu, corresponding 

to Engl, mother, me, guma, tame, name, night, nine, thin, horn. 

1 The law, which is here illustrated in the case of the dental th and of 
the guttural h, and which concerns also the labial f, and, as will be seen 
later, the sibilant s, is called, after the scholar who formulated it, Verner's 
Law. As an exact statement of it belongs to a fuller treatment of the 
subject than is being attempted, such a statement is not given. 



Chapter II 27 

In the case of n, however, as in the case of h (see 
above), the general rule may fail to express in some in- 
stances the actual condition, because another law has come 
into operation. Thus the n of Latin dent- is not in 
accordance with the general rule preserved in English tooth; 
the reason is that English regularly dropped n before th\ 
compare, for instance, ten with tithe. Again 
Latin r and / are generally constant, e.g. Lat. 
rectus, ferre, pater, longus, collis, pellis are in English right, 
bear, father, long, hill, fell. So, too, Latin s is 
English s, e.g. Lat. sex, septem, sedere, est, hostis 
are Engl, six, seven, sit, is, guest. In the case of s, however, 
the same law that was seen to cause the difference of dentals in 
brother and father, may bring about the change of 
s to r in an English word, and so again the case 
may arise where, until that law is taken into account, the 
regular correspondence seems quite to fail. The change in 
question, it may be noticed, is still to be seen in different parts 
of the same English verb, e.g. was, were; lose,for-lorn ; and the 
former pair may help us to recognise the really regular corre- 
spondence of Lat. ves-tire and Eng. wear. This last example 
may suggest yet another correspondence, that of Latin v with 
English w, further instances of which may be 
found in ventus and wind, velle and will, vae and 
woe, veh-icle and wain (earlier wcegn), vidua and widow. The 
correspondence of the other semi-vowel may be 
seen in subjugate, which literally means to make 
a person pass under the yoke, and in juvenile, which means a 
young person. 

6. There remain now for notice only the vowels. These 
sounds admit modification more readily than do 

J Regular cor- 

the consonants, and a scheme of correspondences respondence of 
in their case will be proportionately more com- vowe s * 
plicated. A few instances, however, may be sufficient to shew 
that the correspondences of the vowels, no less than those of 



28 Outlines of the History of the English Language 

the consonants, are marked by regularity. Thus Latin ad, pater, 
ager have in old English the forms cet, feeder, cecer (ce having 
the sound of a in at) ; Lat. edere,ferre,pellis are O.E. etan, 
beran,fell ; Lat. piscis, vidua are O.E.fsc, widuwe. In Latin 
hortus and domare the o corresponds to the a of garden and 
tame : the a of mater and f rater is the o of modor and bropor : 
the diphthong #& of augere and #&w is the <?# of ^ (mod. eke) 

and ?#rc. Here is regularity comparable with 
deviation* tnat wmcft marks the relation between Latin 

/, &c. and English th, &c. And just as in the 
case of these consonants a general rule is modified by special 
conditions, so with the vowels. Thus while the infinitives 
edere and etan agree with the rule that Latin e = English e, on 
turning to the 2nd pres. sing, of the verbs it is found that the 
forms are edis and itst ; so, too, the infinitive seder e has as its 
English counterpart sittan. Again, though the nominatives of 
the nouns mater and j rater shew Latin a = English o, yet the 
datives of the English words, meder and breper, seem to shew 
Latin a = English e ; so, too, on the analogy of mater, Latin 
fagus should have an English boc- form ; the actual word, how- 
ever, is bice (mod. beech) . Here just as under special conditions 
English shewed a d instead of a th for Latin /, so it shews i and 
1 instead of e and o respectively ; the special conditions in these 
cases being the presence of certain sounds in the syllables that 
followed the vowels in question. It is, then, with the vowels 
as with the consonants ; in the case of neither group shall we 
always find that a law of correspondence between a Latin and 
an English sound is universal in its application ; but where the 
simplicity of universal application is not found its absence is 
due, not to the absence of rule, but to the presence of more 
rules than one. 

7. Though the preceding illustrations only partially present 

The relation tne case °f tne connection between English and 

of Latin to Latin, yet they may be enough to shew that there 

parallel case to is between English and Latin forms that regular 



Chapter II 29 

correspondence, which the example of French, the relation of 
Italian and Spanish suggested may find its expla- languages^ 
nation in the development of the two languages one another, 
from the same material. Accepting the conclusion, then, that 
Latin and English have a common origin, we si nificance 
may turn to notice what is the significance of of the general 
the scheme deduced above : scheme in § 3 * 

Latin H, A, S. 
English A, S, H. 

Turned into words the scheme means approximately this : 
that as regards the sounds with which the scheme is concerned, 
the condition of the language spoken by the ancestors of the 
English must once have been nearly the same as that seen in 
Latin; but that later such a change in these sounds was 
gradually carried out by our forefathers, that / was regularly 
changed to th, th to d, and d io t; similar changes were made 
also in the case of the other sounds. Thus an earlier dent-, 
which is the stage seen in Latin, in the end came to have 
among those from whom the English are descended the form 
foth. 

8. It will be seen, then, that from a comparison of English 
and Latin only, much may be learnt about English Languages 
that English by itself cannot tell us, so that the to be asso- 
history of English is not confined, as would be Engiish/and 
the case if such comparison were not possible, the consequent 

. , , ; .#.11 1 extension of 

to the period whose beginning is fixed by the the general 
date of the earliest English MSS. But it is not scheme in § 3 ' 
Latin only with which a comparison may be made. Many 
languages can be found that shew a closer connection with 
English than does Latin. For instance, there are some which 
share with English that condition of consonants, which English 
shewed in contrast with Latin. Thus, taking old forms of 
speech, how near Gothic, Old Saxon and Icelandic are to 
English in this particular, may be seen by reference to the 



30 Outlines of the History of the English Language 

words in them which are the equivalents of English forms 
contrasted above with Latin : 



English 


Gothic 


0. Saxon 


Icelandic 


thou 


thu 


thu 


thu 


door 


daur 


du'ra 


dyrr (pi.) 


ten 


taihun 


tehan 


tiu 


horn 


haurn 


horn 


horn 


guest 


gasts 


gast 


gestr 


father 


fadar 


fader 


fader 



Other sounds might be considered, as was done in compar- 
ing Latin and English, and the result would be to make still 
more apparent the close connection between the languages 
concerned. These languages, then, in their relation to one 
another shew, to recur to a case used above, a yet closer 
parallel to the Romance languages, which we know have a 
common origin, than do English and Latin, of whose common 
origin proof has been offered. Without looking for further 
evidence we may assume, that for English, Gothic, Old Saxon 
and Icelandic (besides others) there has been a common 
original form, capable of at least approximate construction, 
which, e.g. would shew the characteristic contrasts, common to 
all, with Latin. We might now modify the scheme arrived at 
above and substitute for English this common Teutonic speech. 
9. But just as the establishment of the relationship 
between English and Latin brings with it, as 
we saw, a knowledge of English which could 
not be gained from English alone, so with this 
further association of English with other speeches 
comes further knowledge of what might be called 
prehistoric English. For instance our pronouns we, us never 
have any other forms even in the oldest MSS., but Gothic weis, 
uns, Icelandic ver> and (to quote a language not yet used) 
German wir, uns will shew what is the earlier history of the 
words. Or, again, the oldest forms of the verb to see, infin. 



Information 
about English 
gained from 
other Teutonic 
speeches. 



Chapter II 31 

seon, p. sing, seah, pi. sawon or sczgon would be difficult to 
explain if English stood alone ; but Gothic saihwan, p. sing. 
sahw, pi. sehwun would do much to remove the difficulty, and 
with help from the other languages might make it possible to 
construct a form out of which all the varieties found in any of 
them might have grown. 

10. It was said just above, that the scheme of correspond- 
ence worked out for certain sounds in Latin and 

English might be extended by the substitution of of t £" generaT* 
a common Teutonic speech for English. This scheme of § 3 

, ,. . ... so as to include 

involves of course the same substitution in the High German, 
interpretation given of the scheme. And that 
interpretation may now be confirmed by reference to a speech 
whose relation to the common Teutonic is like that of the 
latter to Latin. If German be compared with English (which 
may be taken here as representing the common form), it will 
be found that a process like that which ended in the differen- 
tiation of a common Teutonic speech from Latin has been 
repeated, with the result that the language of one section has 
become differentiated from the common original of the whole 
group. Thus the German forms of the first three words used 
above to illustrate the identity of English, Gothic, &c, are du, 
tor, zehn. There is a second shift, from th to d, from d to t, 
from t to z ( = ts) . That this second shift is not carried out so 
consistently as is the first is suggested by the German forms of 
the next three words in the list, viz. horn,gast, vater, where the 
gutturals and the labial shew little change; but in so far as 
change is made there is a regularity similar to that shewn in the 
first shift, the character of which it serves to illustrate. 

11. There still remains to notice a further extension of the 
scheme, which carries with it a further exten- The scheme 
sion of the relationship among languages. With extended so as 
Latin, as with English, may be associated other other 
languages. Thus Greek phero is as near Latin J^f^f^ 
fero, as Gothic bairan is near English beran; Grimm's Law. 



32 Outlines of the History of the English Language 

and on the ground of similar likeness other languages may be 
added to Latin and Greek. The scheme, then, which expressed 
regular correspondence between Latin and English, and by its 
regularity helped to prove the common origin of the two, has 
served as the nucleus for a scheme, which expresses regular 
correspondences between groups of languages, and by its 
regularity helps to prove the common origin of all the languages 
that are included in it. An exact statement of the scheme 
known as ' Grimm's Law for the permutation of consonants ' has 
not been attempted, only a suggestion of its character has been 
given ; as regards, too, the sounds with which it does not deal, 
the regularity of correspondence as seen in the case of Latin 
and English must be taken as suggestive of the results which 
would be arrived at by a wider comparison ; but enough may 
have been said to shew the kind of evidence that may be given 
to justify the acceptance of a relationship among certain 
languages, which makes the use of the metaphor appropriate 
in speaking of them as the Aryan (or Arian) or Indo-Euro- 
pean or Indo-Germanic/<z/^//y. 

12. The following is a list of the chief members of this 
family (quoted from Dr. Sweet's English Gram- 
of languages mar, p. 212), ' different periods of their develop- 
^a°tionshi P is ment bein S separated by dashes, 
established. A East-Arian or Asiatic : 

(a) Sanskrit, the sacred language of India — Pali — 
Bengali and the other Gaurian languages of India. 

(&) Iranian languages : Zend or Old Bactrian. Old 
Persian, which is the language of the Cuneiform inscriptions — 
Modern Persian. 

(c) Armenian, which is really half-way between East- 
and West- Arian. 

B. West-Arian or European : 

(d) Greek — Romaic or Modern Greek. 



Chapter II 33 

(<?) Latin — the Romance languages : Italian, Provencal, 
French, Spanish, Portuguese, Roumanian. 

(/) Celtic languages. Gaulish. The Goidelic group : 
Irish, Manx, Gaelic. The Cymric group : Welsh, Cornish, 
Breton (introduced from Britain). 

(g) Slavonic languages. Old Bulgarian — Russian, 
Polish, Bohemian, Servian, Bulgarian. 

(k) Baltic languages. Lithuanian, Lettish. 

(7) Germanic languages/ 

While all members of the family shew a family likeness, 
varying degrees of nearness of kin may be D 
noticed ; the point may be briefly illustrated in nearness of 
regard to the Germanic speeches. Take for relationshi P- 
instance the numerals. The words for numbers up to 100 for 
the most part agree in a very striking manner ; but in the case 
of 1 1 and 1 2 Germanic speeches do not, as e.g. do Latin and 
Greek, combine the material used for 1 and 2 with that used 
for 10 (cf. Latin duodecim with English twelve). Now in the 
formation of the same numerals Lithuanian does not use its 
form for 10, but a form -lika (dwy-/ika = 12), a parallelism 
between Germanic and Lithuanian which seems to shew a 
closer connection between them than between either and e.g. 
Latin. Again, in the case of the higher number, 1000, Ger- 
manic, Lithuanian and Slavonic shew likeness in the words 
they use, but differ from both Latin and Greek. 

13. Leaving, however, the relations of the Germanic 
languages to other members of the family we classification 
may notice how their relations to one another of the Ger- 
may help to their classification. Gothic and manic , roup# 
Scandinavian shew points of agreement. For instance, in 
the conjugation of the strong verb they shew regularly, as 
the inflexion of the 2nd per. sing. p. indie, a t, which other 
Germanic speeches can shew only in exceptional cases, 

D 



34 Outlines of the History of the English Language 

e.g. in the originally past form shal-t The two are grouped 
together under the name East-Germanic, the other members 
of the stock forming the West-Germanic division. The 
Germanic group, then, may be classified (continuing the quo- 
tation from Dr. Sweet's Grammar), 

6 A. East-Germanic : 

(a) Gothic. 

(p) Scandinavian languages. 

West-Scandinavian group : 

Norwegian, 
Icelandic. 

East-Scandinavian group : 
Danish, 
Swedish. 

B. West-Germanic : 

(V) Low German languages. Old Saxon — Dutch, 
Flemish. Anglo-Frisian group : English, Frisian. 

(d) High German or German.' 
A reference to Grimm's Law will shew a reason for the division 
of the West-Germanic into two sections. 

14. As the grounds for the classification contained in the 
oldest scheme just given are got from a comparison of 

Teutonic S ° f tne l an g ua g es included in it, a brief notice of 
speech. some of the oldest specimens of these languages 

will not be out of place here. Among such monuments the 
one that for several reasons may claim to be mentioned first is 
the (fragmentary) version of the Scriptures in Gothic. The 
MSS., in which all that is left to us is preserved, may be dated 
about 500, but the translation was the work of one who lived 
in the 4th century. This was Wulfila (or Ulfilas in a foreign 
form), whose work and character may well claim the respect of 
every one interested in Teutonic speech. He is said to have 



Chapter II 35 

been descended from Cappadocian captives, who had been 
carried off by Goths in the 3rd century, but he bears a Gothic 
name, and is identified with the people among whom he was 
born and for whom he laboured. Born probably about 311, at 
the age of thirty he was made bishop, and for forty years dis- 
charged the duties of his office among the Goths. Seven years 
after his ordination, like a second Moses, he led his people 
into Moesia, and it is from their settlement in this province of 
the Roman Empire that the name Moeso-Gothic is used of 
their speech, which, thanks to Wulfila, may yet be studied. For 
in his zeal to promote the spiritual welfare of his flock he 
undertook a translation of the Bible, and of this there remain 
the greater part of the Gospels and of the Epistles of St Paul ; 
of the Old Testament only very slight fragments are left. 
Besides this translation there is a fragment of a translation of 
a commentary on the Gospel of St John, and one or two minor 
specimens of Gothic speech ; on the whole there is material 
from which much may be learned of Gothic. 

The other member of the East-Germanic group can also 
furnish very early specimens. The Runic inscriptions, which 
give the earliest forms of Scandinavian speech, take us as far 
back as the 5 th century after Christ (some authorities assign a 
yet earlier date) ; and in later times there is the rich literature 
of Iceland with its extensive vocabulary and well-preserved 
grammatical forms. 

In the West-Germanic group the Old Saxon is represented 
by a specimen belonging to the 9th century, a poem of nearly 
six thousand lines, which forms a metrical harmony of the 
Gospels. Frisian is preserved in documents of the 12th and 
13th centuries. Of High German there are specimens belong- 
ing to the 9th century in the harmony of the Gospels that goes 
under the name of Tatian, and in the metrical rendering of the 
same material by Otfrid. In the case of English, of which 
more will be said later, we can go back to the 8th century, 
perhaps even to the end of the 7th. 



36 Outlines of the History of the English Language 

15. The foregoing may serve to suggest what are the time 

limits for the material, from an examination of 

of the above which is to be deduced the relation of the various 

languages languages, and an illustration may now be given 

illustrated. ° ° / . J , f , 

to shew how readily such examination will bring 
out relationship. Here are a few verses of the Gothic trans- 
lation mentioned above, in which it will be seen that nearly all 
the material is found in the other languages : 

Hauseif. Sai, urrann sa saiands du saian. Jah warf, 
mipfanei saiso, sum raihtis gadraus faur wig, jah kwemun 
fuglos jah fretun fata. Anpar gadraus ana stainahamma, parei 
ni habaida airpa managa, jah suns urrann, in pizei ni habaida 
diupaizos airfos. At sunnin fan urrinnandin uf brann, jah unte 
ni habaida waurtins, gafaursnoda. Mark iv. 3-6. 

Here even in modern English nearly all the material may 
be recognised. 

The nouns wig, fuglos, airpa, sunnin, waurtins are way 
(A. S. weg) fowl (A.S.fugol) , earth ( A.S. eorpe) , sun ( A.S. sunne) , 
wort (A.S. wyrf) ; the verbs hauseip, sai, rann, saian, kwemun, 
habaida, brann are hear (A.S. Kierap, imper.), see (A.S. seon), 
run (A.S. rann, p.), sow (A.S. slow, p.), come (A.S. cudmon, 
p. pi.), have (A.S. hcsfde, p.), burn (A.S. barn, p.) ; the adjective 
forms sum, anpar, ma?iaga, diupaizos are seen in some (A.S. 
sum), other (A.S. oper), many (A.S. mcenig), deep (A.S. deop) ; 
the pronouns mi)>-pan-ei, pata, />iz-ei shew the same material 
as that or the ; and other words, raiht-is, faur, ana, fiar-ti, 
suns, in, at, pan may compare with English right, for, on, 
there, soon, in, at, then. Where modern English fails, the 
older language supplies the missing link in the case of sa, 
cf. A.S. se ; warp, A.S. wearp (infin. weorpan, cf. woe worth 
the day) ; mip, A.S. mid ; gadraus, A.S. gedreas (infin. ge-dreosan, 
cf. dreary) ; fretun, A.S. fraiton (infin. fretan =for-etan) ; ni, 
A.S. ne ; while the roots of stainahamma and gapaursnoda are 
found in stone (A.S. stan), and A.S. Pyrre. 



Chapter II 



37 



That similar results may be obtained in the case of Icelandic, 
Old Saxon and German will be sufficiently illustrated by taking 
only the verbs and nouns. 



Gothic 
hausjan 
saihwan 
rinnan 
saian 
w air pan 
driusan 
kwiman 
haban 
(fra-)itan 
brinnan 
paursnon 
wigs 
fugls 
airpa 
sunna 
waurts 



Icelandic 
heyra 
sid 

renna 
sd 

verfia 

(cf. dreyr-igr) 
koma 
hafa 
eta 

brenna 
frorna 
vegr 
fugl 
iorS 

sunna (poet.) 
urt 



O. Saxon 
horian 
sehan 
rinnan 
saian 
werpan 
driosan 
kuman 
hebbian 
etan 
brinnan 
(cf. fiorron) 
weg 
fugal 
erda 
sunna 
wurt 



German 
horen 
sehen 
rinnen 
saen 
werden 
(cf. trauer) 
kommen 
haben 

essen, (fr) essen 
brennen 
(cf. ver-dorren) 
weg 
vogel 
erde 
sonne 
wurz 



16. But it is not only information about words that is to 
be got by the consideration of languages ; the 
fact that a word is common to different peoples 
may shew that the object denoted by the word 
is equally common to them, and thus not only 
the early condition of the speeches, but also the 
early condition of the speakers, may be inferred 
(A.S.feoh = cattle), whose equivalent is found not only in all 
the Teutonic languages but also in others of the family, e.g. Lat. 
pecus, tells of the early possession of flocks and herds ; while 
the forms ox, cow (cf. Lat. bos), ewe (cf. Lat. ovis), goat (cf. Lat. 
haedus), farrow (A.S.feark, cf. Lat. porous), A.S. eoh, a horse 
(cf. Lat. equus), all of which are equally widely spread, may give 
some information as to the animals of which such flocks and 



Light thrown 
by languages 
on the con- 
dition of those 
who spoke 
them. 

Thus E.fee 



38 Outlines of the History of the English Language 

herds consisted. Among wild animals the names fox (cf. Lat. 
lupus), wolf, bear shew common Teutonic material, as does 
also the general name deer (A.S. deor). So, too, with birds : 
as seen above the general term fowl is common Teutonic ; and 
there is common material in the words hen (in A.S. there is also 
the masculine hana, cf. Lat. can-ere, to sing) , sparrow, swallow, 
em (A.S. earn, an eagle), hawk. Of early agriculture some- 
thing, too, might be learned. Ear = to plow (A.S. erian), is 
cognate with Lat. ar-are ; corn with the Lat. granum ; A.S. here 
may compare with Gothic bariz-eins, of barley ; wheat with 
Gothic hwaiteis and German weizen. The A.S. cweorn, a mill, 
is the Gothic kwairnus. Among the names for metals gold, 
silver, iron are common Teutonic words, and of the early 
shaping of metals evidence is afforded by A.S. beag (cf. bugan, 
to bend), Icel. baugr, O. Sax. bog, O.H.G.peug, all words for a 
ring. Of religion, too, something may be learned from the 
widely spread names of the gods Tiw (cf. Lat. deus), Woden, 
Thunor (Thor), still preserved in the names of the days of the 
week. The A.S. blotan, to sacrifice, has equivalent forms in 
Gothic, Icelandic and O.H. German ; and A.S. hearh, a temple, 
may be compared with O.H.G. haruc = fanum, delubrum, and 
Icel. horgr, an altar. 

These few instances may suggest, that as well for the history 
of the speakers as for the history of their speeches, the com- 
parison of the latter with one another is fruitful in results, which 
throw light upon the times that precede those of which we have 
direct information. But it is mainly with the history of the 
speech that we are concerned, and to our knowledge of this a 
most important contribution has been made, if, as the chapter 
has attempted to shew, English can vindicate its claim to a 
place in the Aryan family. For this position implies that its 
history before it appears as English may be known ; its forms 
may be traced to common Teutonic predecessors, and these 
again to the primitive material which is common to the whole 
family. 



Chapter II 39 

17. In conclusion it may be noted that English holds 
among its relatives a position in some respects Un . 
unique. For it has been the fate of those who position of 
have spoken it to be brought in one or other ng 1S 
way into contact with representatives of nearly all the great 
divisions of the family, and to have borrowed of their language 
material. The English thrust themselves into a land occupied 
by Celts, and have been in contact with them ever since. 
They were, thanks to Christianity, brought into contact with 
those whose language was Latin, and by the Norman Conquest 
with those who spoke a language derived from Latin ■ later, 
with the revival of learning, came the study of the literatures 
of Rome and Greece j and, later still, by the conquest of India, 
Asiatic members of the family were brought into contact with 
the English. All this intercourse has left its marks on the 
language, so that from nearly every section of the family has 
this one member of it drawn material to form itself. 



CHAPTER III 



Early history of a language to be learnt from a comparison with others — 
foreign influence on Teutonic speeches before the English conquest of 
Britain — loan-words from Latin — from Celtic — Celtic Britain as a 
Roman province — results as regards language — contrast with Gaul — 
Latin of the First Period — relations between Celts and English — 
origin of the word Wales — the Celtic stock — earliest borrowings 
from Celtic — later borrowings — geographical names. 

1. In the preceding chapter has been illustrated the possi- 
bility of tracing back the history of words beyond 
of the eariy gC tne stage which they shew in the earliest known 
history of a specimens of the language in which they occur ; 
got by a com- comparison with kindred forms furnishes material 
v^thothers ^ rom wmcn sucn knowledge may be derived. 
Thus the continuous thread of change, which 
can be traced back through English during the whole period 
in which we know it from existing monuments, instead of being 
broken at the point where that period begins, is extended into 
a remote past. But leaving now the consideration of such 
early history, the possibility of gaining some knowledge of 
which is implied in accepting for English a place in the Aryan 
family, we may turn to notice some points which belong to 
times less remote, yet preceding the settlement of the English 
in this island. 

40 



Chapter III 41 

2. For a knowledge of the changes that during such times 
were being effected in the language material that 
was as the result of them to take the shape flu F e ° r c e e ig a ia " 
shewn by the speech of the conquerors of Britain, Teutonic 
we must depend upon the comparison of English fore the S Eng- 
with its Teutonic relatives, and from such com- lish conquest 

.,, . . of Britain. 

panson it will appear, that not only were those 
modifications of form taking place, which are continuously to 
be traced in later times, but also another modification, which, 
too, in varying degrees has continuously marked the develop- 
ment of the language during the period when it is known from 
its written monuments. These shew that words have been 
admitted into the vocabulary from other languages, with which 
from various causes English has been brought in contact ; and 
that such borrowing took place in yet earlier times may be 
shewn by help of the comparison referred to above. Teutonic 
tribes by intercourse with the Romans were brought under the 
influence of Latin, and as a result accepted some of its words. 
To determine whether such loan-words were to be found in the 
language of the Teutons who came to Britain is not possible 
from an examination of the Old English alone, for we know the 
language only when it had for a long time been settled in 
a country that had once been a province of the Roman Empire, 
and after it had been exposed to the Latin influence that 
accompanied Christianity. The presence of a Latin word, 
then, even in our earliest specimens, could not, if we took 
English alone, justify the inference that it was already in the 
language of those who came to Britain. But by the help of 
other languages such an influence may be possible. Words 
borrowed from Latin, that appear both in Old English and in 
the earliest monuments of several other Teutonic dialects, may 
well have been used in their continental home by the fore- 
fathers of the English. Among such early bor- 
rowings maybe placed Lat. vin u m, which gave to fr^^a^n^ 3 
English win, and a corresponding form to every 



42 Outlines of the History of the English Language 

other Teutonic dialect. The word for vinegar is in Old 
English eced ; Gothic, Old Saxon, O.H. German also shew like 
forms ; all of them are from Latin. The Latin mango = a 
defrauding trader, gives rise as well to the Old English mangere 
(cf. iron-monger) , a trader, and to the verb mangian, to trade, 
as to Old Saxon mangon, to trade, and to O.H. German man- 
gari = mercator. The coinage of the Romans (moneta) may 
have been known in the same early times, for alongside the 
Old English mynet (cf. mint), a coin, and mynetere, a coiner, 
may be placed Old Saxon muniteri, a coiner, muniton, to coin, 
and O.H. German munizari and munizon. On the same level 
stands Old English pund, seen in the same form in Gothic, and 
in O.H. German as pfunt, from Latin pondo. Words, too, 
connected with some of the characteristic Roman works are 
widely spread, and would seem to have been early adopted by 
the Teutons : e.g. Latin strata gives Old English street, Old 
Saxon strata, Old Frisian strete, O.H. German straza ; Latin 
vallum, Old English weall, Old Saxon wall, Old Frisian wal; 
Latin porta, Old English port, Old Saxon porta, Old Frisian 
porte, O.H. German phorta ./ Latin v'tcus, Old English wie, Old 
Saxon, Old Frisian wlk, O.H. German wieh. 

Such instances may at least make it probable, that the 
language, which the conquerors of Britain brought 
of the days of with them, had been already influenced by Latin, 
the week. Even native words may be appealed to for evi- 

dence in the same direction. With the exception of Saturday 
the names given to the days of the week are English words, 
but they are used to represent Latin originals ; Sunday is dies 
solis, while the Teutonic gods, after whom other days are 
named, are those which corresponded respectively most nearly 
to the Latin gods after whom the days were called. The 
influence of Latin, then, which soon after their migration 
from the continent was to be exercised upon the language 
of the English, and in one or other way was to continue 
to operate until the present day, might already have been 



Chapter III 43 

traced in the speech of those by whom the migration was 
made. 

3. And it was not to Latin only that this speech was 
indebted. With others than the Romans the 
early Teutons had been in contact, with a race fro^ceitic* ' 
which was found not only in Britain, but on the 
continent — the Celts; and from their speech material had 
made its way into the vocabularies of Teutonic peoples. From 
a Celtic source is derived the material, represented in every 
Teutonic dialect, which in Old English produced rice, power, 
rice, powerful, and ricsian, to rule ; words which, in the case 
of the noun and adjective, also helped in combination with 
material found in English to form others, e.g. biscop-rice, a 
bishop-r/^, cyne-rice, a kingdom, heofon-rice, the kingdom of 
heaven, sige-rice, victorious. Many proper names contain this 
material, so that not only in bishop-r/^, but also in names like 
Frederick and Roderick, is the trace of the early borrowing yet 
to be seen. Another case of borrowed material, spread as 
widely as the preceding among Teutonic dialects, is furnished 
by words connected with a Celtic form which, in a Latin dress, 
a?nbactus, is given by Caesar. 1 Old English shews ambeht, 
alone and in compounds, and German still keeps amt, both 
words expressing the idea of service. 2 

In the case of Celtic, as in the case of Latin, the traces of 
early influence are slight in comparison with those left by later 
contact, which, thanks to the conditions under which English 
developed, has been in the case of each language practically 
continuous, since Britain, once a Roman province with a 
native Celtic population, passed into the power of the English. 

1 Speaking of the knights of Gaul he says : * Atque eorum ut quisque est 
genere copiisque amplissimus, ita plurimos circum se ambactos clientesque 
habet.' And Festus says: ' Ambactus lingua Gallica servus appellatur.' 

2 In rich and embassy Modern English has words which have the same 
origin as have Old English rice and ambeht, but which have come to it from 
Romance languages. 



44 Outlines of the History of the English Language 

But something will have been gained in respect to our 
knowledge of the language which the Teutonic invaders of 
Britain brought with them, if we can recognise in the 
vocabulary inherited from them by their descendants words 
borrowed by their forefathers from the Latin or the Celtic of 
the continent. 

4. As has just been said, in coming to Britain the 
invaders were bringing their language within 

Celtic Britain , r _ . , *> , ? . n * 

as a Roman reach of Latin and Celtic influence. The island 
resuitsas ^ad keen v * s * te d by Julius Caesar in 55 b.c. and 

regards again in 54 B.C., but had not, like Gaul, been 

anguage. conquered ; it was not till towards the close of 

the next century that a Roman province was established in it. 
With the Roman conquest came Roman civilisation, of which 
the traces may still be seen in the remains of villas and of 
the great military roads — streets — which were constructed 
in different parts of the country. The map, too, still offers 
evidence of the Roman occupation in the numerous place- 
names containing Latin elements (e.g. those with -caster, -cester, 
-Chester, the Latin castra), which may be found in it. But it 
was not only by such material results that the Roman influence 
was marked. Latin learning came in the train of the con- 
querors, and apt scholars seem to have been found among the 
conquered, for we hear of Britons excelling in eloquence their 
neighbours of Gaul. But in their latest acquired and remotest 
western province the Romans seem not to have effected the 
transformation which they wrought elsewhere, and conse- 
quently the language conditions of Britain offer a contrast with, 
for example, those of Gaul. There in the first century of the 
Christian era a form of Latin was the current speech of nearly 
the whole country ; the original Celtic was preserved only in 
certain districts : it was a form of Latin, then, containing some 
few words adopted from Celtic, with which the Teutonic con- 
querors of Gaul were brought into contact. It was otherwise 
in Britain, as the prolonged life of Celtic shews. For an 



Chapter III 45 

account of the relations between the two coexistent speeches 
we may turn to Dr. Freeman : ' I think that most likely things 
were then much the same in all Britain as they are in Wales 
now. In Wales English is the language of the towns, and in 
the large towns most people cannot speak Welsh at all. And 
a Welsh gentleman can very seldom speak Welsh, unless he 
has learned it, as he may have learned French or German. 
But the country people commonly speak Welsh, and some of 
them cannot speak any English. So I fancy that in these 
times men spoke Latin in the towns, and also those whom we 
may call the gentry spoke Latin, but that the country people 
still spoke Welsh.' The withdrawal of the Romans gave the 
Celtic speech an opportunity of resuming its position as the 
general language of the country ; it was, then, a Celtic speech, 
in which some few words had been left by the Roman occupa- 
tion, with which the Teutonic invaders of Britain were brought 
into contact. 

5. The importance for the later condition of language in 
England of the conditions there, that preceded 

the appearance of the English, is suggested by a wft^Gaui 
further consideration of the case of Gaul. There, 
though the language still bears, as does our own, the name of a 
Teutonic people, it is almost exclusively derived from the 
language which was current in the country where that Teutonic 
people settled ; and French is a Romance speech. In Britain, 
whose history, in the successive conquests by Romans and 
Teutons of lands occupied in the first instance by Celts, offers 
a parallel to that of Gaul, the English found other conditions 
than did the Franks, and such as were powerless to determine 
the fate of their language ; and English is a Teutonic speech. 

6. The Latin material, then, from which English on its 
arrival in Britain could draw, was not the 
vocabulary of a language which owed almost First^Period. C 
everything to the Romans, but a limited number 

of words, which had been retained by the Celts. The extent 



46 Outlines of the Histoiy of the English Language 

to which English was indebted to such material, is not very 
easy exactly to determine ; for, as has been noticed, some 
Latin words were probably already known to the English when 
they left the continent. Thus though the Roman roads might 
keep their name among the English, and the use of the term 
street in reference to them might be regarded as a result of the 
Roman occupation, yet the word was one which probably the 
English knew before they saw the Roman roads of Britain. 
And so with some other words. On the other hand eeaster, 
a town, from Latin castra, seems to have been learnt in this 
country. But whether gained in the old or in the new home^ 
the earliest Latin element in English, which may be called 
Latin of the First Period, was not of any great extent, and need 
not be further separated from the larger element which was 
introduced after the acceptance of Christianity. 

7. As regards the other of the influences to which English 

on its arrival was to be exposed — the Celtic — it 

en^e hl ° inflU ~ was not a case wnere > as with Latin, the results 
must necessarily be limited by reason of scanty 
material, but one where the results were to depend upon the 
ability of the conquered to press their language upon the 
conquerors. Though the main object of the chapter is to take 
account of matters which are preliminary to the coming of the 
English, on the one hand of modifications in their language 
which had taken place on the continent, and on the other of 
the conditions in Britain which might affect them on their 
arrival, yet it may be convenient to notice here the results in 
later times, which came from the continued contact of the Celts 
with the English. 

8. The relations prevailing from the outset between the 

Celts and the English were not such as to make 
between the it probable that the language of the former would 
Celts and the influence strongly that of the latter. The English 

were the victors, and though the whole island 
did not at once fall under their power, yet the area of conquest 



Chapter III 47 

was steadily enlarged, and the main Celtic-speaking population 
was rolled back steadily westward. Between the two races, in 
so far as they occupied different parts of the country, hostility 
for the most part prevailed ; and those of the conquered who 
were to be found within the English area could not shew, as a 
counterpoise to inferior strength, superiority in other directions, 
which, meeting with acknowledgment, would have compelled 
the respect of the conquerors. So while the Romanized Celt 
of Gaul gave the language, which, with much else, he had 
learnt from Rome, to his Frank conqueror, the Celt of Britain 
was almost powerless to affect the language of the English. 
Yet there was one possible channel by which the Celtic in- 
fluence might have been communicated. Christianity had 
been introduced into Britain, and if it had been first taught to 
the English by the Celts, the relations between the two peoples 
might have been much modified. But how completely this 
modifying influence was absent may be seen from the attitude 
of the British bishops in the conference with Augustine, when 
he invited them to cooperate with the Roman missionaries in 
the conversion of the English, who at the close of the 6th 
century were still heathen. 1 Celtic teachers had indeed much 
to do with the English, as will be noticed later, when once 
Christianity had been introduced, but this was a very different 
thing from the acceptance of Christianity in the first instance 
from the Celts. 

9. From another quarter we may perhaps get a suggestion 
as to the relations between the two peoples, _. . . 

r r ' The origin 

from the name, still familiar to us in Wales and of the word 
Welsh, which the English gave to the Celts— Wales ' 
Walas or Bret- Walas? The word (in the singular walk or 
wealh), which in the first instance seems to have come from the 

1 Bede's Ecclesiastical History, Bk. II. c. 2. 

2 e.g. in the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle under the year 465 : * Hengest and 
^Esc gefuhton wi> Walas, and xii Wilisce aldormenn ofslogon'; and 552, 
4 Cynric gefeaht wi> Brettas, and >a Bret- Walas gefhemde. , 



48 Outlines of the History of the English Language 

name of a Celtic people, got the more general sense of foreign, 
and so in O.H. German Walah can translate Romanus (cf. 
German Walsch = Italian, strange) , while in Old English bar- 
barus is glossed by walch. But in the latter wealh can also 
translate servus and mancipium, and ancilla is rendered by a 
feminine noun from the same root, wieln. That the English 
could use the word that served as a name for the Celts to 
translate, on the one hand barbarus, on the other servus, is at 
least not inconsistent with an unfriendly relation between the 
two races where they were separate, and with the dependent 
position of one of them where there was amalgamation. 

Where the Celtic population was amalgamated with the 
English, there the language of the latter prevailed ; but where 
the Celts maintained themselves in separation, there the old 
language held its ground, and ever since has existed alongside 
English with the consequent possibility of making some mark 
upon its neighbour. The area from which the influence might 
come, however, has been a steadily diminishing one. In the 
north Cumberland, though its name points to the Cymry, has 
long ceased to be a land of Celtic speech. In the south 
Cornwall, the old Corn- Wealas} where again the name still 
points to the Welsh, kept the native speech longer, but there, 
too, at the close of the 18th century it died out. Even in 
Wales English has encroached upon the border counties, though 
there Welsh still lives in its old home. 

10. Prominence so far has been given to one division 
-. .. . . of the Celtic stock — the Cymric — with which 

The divisions J 

of the Celtic English came first in contact ; this includes the 
stock. Welsh and Cornish> The other division — the 

Gadhelic or Goidelic — includes Irish, Manx and Gaelic, and 
with this division also English is concerned ; though neither 
from the one nor from the other has it at any time borrowed 
much. 

1 A.S. Chron. an. 997 : ' On )?issum geare ferde se here abutan Defnan- 
scire, and gehergodon aegfter on Cornwealum ge on NoriSwalum ( Wales).'' 



Chapter III 49 

11. Before the close of the nth century the following 
words, which from their likeness to Celtic forms ^ ,. 

9 ... Earliest 

might be supposed of Celtic origin, are found borrowings 
in the language : Bannuc (translating buccella), from Celtic - 
bin a manger, bratt a cloak, brocc a badger, crocca a pot, cumb 
a coomb, dale a pin, brooch, dry a wizard, dun dun (adj.), dun 
a hill, down, gafeloe a javelin, mattoc a mattock, sloh a slough : 
and in the Northumbrian dialect occur earr a stone, luh a loch. 
Further, assa an ass may be borrowed from the Old Irish 
assan, which comes from Latin. From the true list of Celtic 
borrowings perhaps one or other of these words might be 
excluded, and in it possibly one or two words besides these 
ought to be included. Whether or no the list given err either 
by excess or by defect, however, matters comparatively little ; 
in any case the conclusion would be the same — that there is a 
very small Celtic element to be found in the oldest English. 

12. Nor does the literature of a later time, when the 
language was no longer distinguished by the 

freedom from foreign elements which is a mark borrowings 
of the earliest period, shew much more readiness 
in the admission of Celtic words. Professor Skeat {Principles 
of English Etymology, Chap, xxii.) gives as the principal con- 
tributions of the several Celtic speeches to English in later 
times the following lists : 

Irish. Bard, bog, brogue, dirk (?), fun, galloglass, galore, 
glib, s., kern, lough, orrery, pillion (?), rapparee, shillelagh, 
skain {skene, skein), shamrock, spalpeen, tanist, Tory, usque- 
baugh. 

Scotch Gaelic. Banshee (also Irish), Beltane, bog (also 
Irish), branks, brose, cairn, capercailyie, cateran, clachan, clan, 
claymore, collie, coronach, corrie, cosy, crag, creel, galloway (pony), 
gillie, glen, gowan, inch, ingle, kail, loch, macintosh, philibeg, 
pibroch, plaid, ptarmigan (?), quaff, reel, slogan, spate, spleuchan, 
sporran, strath, whiskey. Professor Skeat remarks in reference 
to the above lists : i We may draw two conclusions ; that the 

E 



50 Outlines of the History of the English Language 

English has borrowed more freely from Gaelic than from Irish, 
and that the borrowing began at an earlier time. This is the 
natural consequence of the respective geographical positions 
and political relations of Scotland and Ireland to England. 
We should also bear in mind that clan, ingle, kail, and plaid 
are ultimately of Latin origin, from planta, ignis, caulis, and 
pellis ; whilst brose, pibroch are really of English origin, from 
broth and pipe; and branks is really northern English, borrowed 
probably from Holland.' 

Welsh. Bragget, cam, clutter (heap) , coble ( ?) , coracle, crom- 
lech, crowd (a fiddle), flannel, flummery, hawk (to clear the 
throat), ken, kibe, kick, metheglin. 

Whether there may be words in English of Celtic origin, 
though they cannot, like those given above, be precisely traced 
to any one of the three languages, Irish, Gaelic, or Welsh, is a 
difficult question. ' Amongst the words,' says Professor Skeat 
in the chapter already quoted, ' which perhaps have the most 
claim to be considered as Celtic, or founded upon Celtic, are 
some of which the origin is very obscure. It may suffice to 
mention here the words bald, bat (thick stick), boggle, bots, brag, 
bran, brat, brill, brisk, bug, bump, cabin, char (fish), chert, clock 
(orig. a bell), cob, cobble, cock (small boat), coot, cub, Culdee, 
curd, cut, dad, dandriff, darn, drudge, dudgeon (ill humour), 
gag (?), gown, gyves, jag, knag, lad, lag, lass(?), loop, lubber, 
mug, noggin, nook, pile 'hard '(?), pony, puck, pug, rub, shog, skip, 
taper, whin. As to some of these there does not seem to be 
much known. I wish to say distinctly that I feel I am here 
treading on dangerous and uncertain ground, and that I 
particularly wish to avoid expressing myself with certainty 
as to most of these words/ 

With respect to these lists it may be remarked, as was done 
in speaking of the borrowings in the earlier times, that for our 
purpose their main value does not depend upon their being 
exact. For even allowing that there is some uncertainty as to 
their contents, there is no uncertainty in the conclusion that 



Chapter III 



51 



may be drawn from them, viz. that Celtic has only very slightly 
at any time influenced the vocabulary of English. 

13. But though an English dictionary can shew little 
material that is to be traced to the languages of Qeo ra hical 
those who once held these islands, yet in one names from 
special case — that of geographical names — it is 
from the early inhabitants that many words come, which are 
still used where English is spoken. Among these, and perhaps 
the most remarkable of them, are the names of nearly all our 
rivers, e.g. Thames, Avon, Ouse, Don, Cam. That the Celtic 
influence is strongly marked in other cases may be seen from 
the following table, quoted from Mr. Taylor's Words and 
Places, where the names in certain districts of villages, hamlets, 
hills, woods, and valleys are dealt with : 



Percentage of 
Names from the 


Suf- 
folk 


Surrey 


Devon 


Corn- 
wall 


Mon- 
mouth 


Isle of 
Man 


Ire- 
land 


Celtic 


2 

90 

8 


8 
1 


32 
3 


80 

20 




76 

24 




59 
20 
21 


80 

19 

1 


Anglo-Saxon .... 
Norse 





It is in such words alone that any strong mark has been 
left by the language of those who have steadily yielded to 
the pressure of stronger races, until almost the only home 
for their speech is to be found in the western parts of the 
western outpost of Europe — the British isles. 



CHAPTER IV 

The Saxon Shore — the Saxons as seamen — their character in the fifth 
century — abandonment of sea-faring life after settlement in Britain — 
influence of the earlier life to be seen in Old English — words denoting 
water, ships, seamen, sea-faring — inference from such words — Teutonic 
conquests in Britain — Bede's account — notices in the Anglo-Saxon 
Chronicle — bearing of these upon language — possibility of other tribes 
than those mentioned by Bede having taken part in the conquest — 
the Angles give the name to the language and the land — the Jutes. 

1. In the preceding chapter the condition of the Roman 
province of Britain has been shortly noticed with 
Shore aX ° n reference to the influences that might be exerted 
upon the language of those who were to be the 
successors of the Romans in the conquest of the island. Al- 
ready before the empire had relinquished its remotest western 
province, the name of those successors was known in the land 
that later they were to occupy, and the connection in which it 
occurs is significant. In a description of the Roman Empire, 
' Notitia utriusque Imperii,' drawn up about 400 a.d., an official 
is spoken of with the title ' Comes Limitis Saxonici per Britan- 
niam,' or 'Comes Littoris Saxonici per Britannias.' The district, 
for whose defence he had to provide, lay along the east and 
south coasts, from the Wash to Southampton Water, and seems 
to have got its name from its liability to be attacked by those 
who, at a yet earlier period, are said to have infested the 

52 



Chapter IV 53 

neighbouring seas. 1 It is, then, in the character of sea-rovers, 
in which they strongly resemble the northern races from whom 
their descendants were to suffer so much, that the Saxons first 
present themselves ; and this is a point that it may be well to 
notice, as having a bearing upon the language, seeing that a 
speech must more or less shew the impress of the life of those 
who speak it. And though, after their settlement in Britain, 
the energies of the Saxons were diverted from the sea to the 
land, and directed to the establishment and extension of their 
power within the island, yet we may expect to find that the old 
life had left its traces in the language in the shape of words 
connected with nautical matters. Of the old sea-life, then, we 
may try to learn something. 

2. In the second century after Christ the geographer 
Ptolemy mentions Saxons ; it is by the sea that 
he places them, by the mouth of the Elbe, and and the sea. 
on three islands. Before the end of the next T u heir t . 

character in 

century they are seen to have taken advantage the fifth 
of their position and to have become so formid- century - 
able on account of their piratical expeditions, that a fleet had 
to be stationed in the Channel to resist them. 2 In 364 they 
are said to have attacked Britain, and from that time onwards 
their raids were probably more or less continuous, until the 
island fell into their power. Their history seems to be very 
similar to, and consequently may receive illustration from, the 
better known one of the later Scandinavians ; in each there 
is the development of a power that owed its strength largely to 
skill at sea, and that, after using this skill for the acquisition of 
plunder, at last found itself strong enough to make permanent 
conquest. And the parallel between the Saxon and the Dane 
seems to hold in respect to their characters; and again the 

1 * Cum Carausius (afterwards ' tyrant ' in Britain from 286 to 293) per 
tractum Belgicae et Armoricae pacandum mare accepisset, quod Franci et 
Sax ones infestabant.'' Eutropius. 

2 v. preceding note. 



54 Outlines of the History of the English Language 

better known picture of the Dane may help to supply details in 
the less familiar picture of the Saxon. At any rate the main 
outlines seem the same in both, if the following account of the 
Saxon of the 5th century be compared with what we know 
of the Dane from the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle and elsewhere. 
A Roman provincial, Sidonius Apollinaris (born 430 a.d.), 
writing to a friend, who had embarked as an officer in the 
Channel fleet, which was looking out for the pirate-boats of 
the Saxons, says : i When you see their rowers, you may make 
up your mind that every one of them is an arch pirate, with 
such wonderful unanimity do all of them at once command, 
obey, teach, and learn their business of brigandage. This is 
why I have to warn you to be more than ever on your guard in 
this warfare. Your foe is of all foes the fiercest. 1 He attacks 
unexpectedly ; if you expect him, he makes his escape ; he 
despises those who seek to block his path ; he overthrows 
those who are off their guard ; he cuts off any enemy whom 
he follows ; while, for himself, he never fails to escape when 
he is forced to fly. And more than this, to these men a ship- 
wreck is a school of seamanship rather than a matter of dread. 
They know the dangers of the deep like men who are every 
day in contact with them. For since a storm throws those 
whom they wish to attack off their guard, while it hinders their 
own coming onset from being seen from afar, they gladly risk 
themselves in the midst of wrecks and sea-beaten rocks in the 
hope of making profit out of the very tempest.' 2 

3. The sea-faring life, however, seems to have been 

abandoned by the Saxons after they had settled 
abandonee? * n England ; for when the piracy of the earlier 
after settle- times was repeated in later times by the Danes, 
Britain! tne English, like other nations, seem to have 

been quite unprepared to offer resistance on the 
sea, though more readily than others, as is seen particularly in 

1 ' Hostis est omni hoste truculentior.' 

2 Green's Making of England, pp. 16 — 17. 



Chapter IV 55 

Alfred's reign, they adopted the necessary means for meeting 
the Danes on their own element. 1 

4. But it is with the language of the Saxons that we are 
concerned, and it is, mainly, because the life of 

the speaker is inseparable from his speech, that earlier life to 
the points just noticed have been introduced, be seen in the 

..... later language. 

They shew conditions of life, which imply in the 
language of the times before the coming to Britain a vocabulary 
rich in terms connected with the sea, but which, at any rate for 
some centuries after the coming, do not suggest the develop- 
ment of the language in respect to such terms. We may now 
try to see whether the language, as we know it from its earliest 
specimens, in its condition as regards its nautical vocabulary, 
is still the language of the old Saxon sea-rover, and not merely 
that of a dweller in England, or of the seaman of a later time ; 
whether the language of Alfred still reflects the life of the fifth 
century Saxon. Apart from their bearing on the early history 
of the language, terms connected with the sea perhaps have a 
general interest, which may justify a special notice. 

5. We may begin with words denoting water, among which 
we have wczter water, ea a river, flod flood, flot 

(a-) float, lagu sea, water, mere mere, sea, see sea, noting water. 
widsce ocean, strea??t stream, wozg wave, y/> wave. 
These words, however, are too widely spread among Teutonic 
speeches to allow of any special inference with regard to any 
one set of speakers. But besides these English had brim sea, 
ocean, a form which is not found elsewhere, except it be in 
Iclelandic brim surf; geofon ocean, found besides only in O. Sax. 
gefan ; holm water, ocean, not found elsewhere in this sense ; 
garsecg ocean, not found elsewhere; and hczf sea (Icel. haf)> 
occurs in Beowulf. It is not, however, on the number of words 
in this list that stress need be laid, but on the development in 
the poetical vocabulary that is got by the combination of such 
words. Thus in poetry are found the following compounds : 

1 v. Steenstrup's Vikingetogene mod Vest i det q de Aarhundrede^ c. 14. 



56 Outlines of the History of the English Language 

wceter-flod, wceter- stream,, wceter-yp, la-stream, flod-yp, lagu-flod, 
lagu-stream, mere-flod, mere-stream, sa>-flod, sce-holm, sa-stream, 
sce-wceg, sce-yp, wag-holm, wceg-stream, yp-mere, brim-flod, brim- 
stream,, geofon-flod, geofon-yp. Yet more noticeable are the 
figurative expressions used of the sea ; it is called bcep-weg the 
bath-way, lagu-fcesten, sai-fcesten the water-fastness, the sea- 
fastness ; its tossing waves suggest the terms yp-gebland wave- 
mingling, yp-gewinn wave-strife ; while from the living creatures 
that haunt it are derived such names as hran-mere, hwcel-mere 
the whale-mere, hran-rad, swan-rad the road of the whale and 
of the swan, seolh-bcep, fisces beep, ganotes beep the bath of the 
seal, of the fish, and of the gannet, hwceles epel the whale's 
native land. 

6. In regard to words which denote the ship and its parts, 
the language of to-day can bear witness to the 
notingthfp^. state °f tne ear ty vocabulary, e.g. ship, boat, mast, 
sprit, yard, sail, sheet, oar, rudder, helm are all 
Old English terms. But here again it is the poetical vocabulary 
that is remarkable. Besides some simple words, not used in 
prose, denoting a ship, e.g. naea, fcer (cf. faran to go) , lid 
(cf. lipan to go), there are many compounds which are peculiar 
to the poetic diction. Some point to the material of which 
the vessel is made ; thus wudu is combined with words (many 
of them already noticed) denoting water, and the terms brim- 
wudu, flod-wudu, holm-wudu, scz-wudu, sund-wudu (swimming- 
wood) are used for the ship; bord (board), pel (plank) give 
wceg-bord, yp-bord, etol-pel (keel-plank) , wag-pel. Others refer 
to the living freight, and the ship is a house, e.g. geofon-hus, 
mere-hus, holm-cern {cern a house), yp-hof {hof a house) ; and 
Noah's ark is called mere-cist (cist chest). Others, again, and 
among these are the most noticeable, express the motion of 
the ship ; it is sa-flota, wczg-flota, the sea- or wave-floater, sce- 
genga the,-sea-goer, brim-, mere-, weeter-pisa the sea-dasher ; this 
last epithet may receive illustration from the lines in the poem 
on St. Andrew : 



Chapter IV 57 

J?eos bat 
fare]? famigheals fugole gellcost; 

this boat 
fares foamy-necked to (sea) fowl likest; 

a simile which occurs also in Beowulf : 

flota famigheals fugle gellcost. 

But the favourite metaphor is that which makes the ship a 
steed, hengest or mearh, and it is called brim-, farop- (shore), 
mere-, see-, sund-, weeg-hengest, lagu-, see-, yfi-mearh. 

7. For the seaman, too, the poetry has terms peculiar to 
it : brim-mann ; mere-fara (cf. sea-farer) ; brim-. 

__ _ __., Words de- 

ea-, mere-, see-, weeg-lipend ; see-, yp-lida ; and for noting seamen 
his course upon the water there are many names : and v °y a £ es - 
brim-, la-, lagu-, mere-, see-, yp-lad (lad away, course) ; stream- 
rad (rad a road) ; lagu-, see-slp (sif> a journey) ; lagu-, mere- 
street (street a street) ; flod-, flot-, holm-weg (weg a way). 

8. Now these illustrations shew in that part of the vocab- 
ulary which is connected with sea-terms a ful- 
ness that is far more in keeping with the mode drawn from 
of life among the Saxons which preceded, than the preceding 
with that which followed, the settlement in 

Britain. Among the Saxon sea-rovers there may well have 
been poets, for as early as the time of Tacitus there were old 
poems (antiqua carmina) among Teutonic peoples. Moreover 
in favour of the early use of at least some part of the special 
poetical vocabulary, that has been quoted, it may be noticed 
that in the Old Saxon poem, the Heliand, forms occur which 
are identical with, or parallel to, those in English poetry. 
Thus among words for water these are common to the two 
dialects : — la-, lagu-, mere-, see-stream, see-yfi ; both use for a 
ship naca, and for a sea-man see-lifiend, wa>g-lipend ; while 
O. Sax. uses also a similar compound, not found in English, 
lagu-lipend. There seems, then, some ground for supposing, 
that much of the material given above was used in the old sea- 



58 Outlines of the History of the English Language 

roving times by the Saxon poets, whose poems were preserved 
in the memories of following generations, and that in the 
vocabulary, which was thus handed down to later times, are 
preserved the traces of the earlier life. 

It may be added that, besides illustrating the special point 
which has been considered, the words that have been given 
have the further claim to notice, that later on they will serve 
to illustrate some characteristics of the diction of the earliest 
English poetry. Moreover, as has been said, in the light of 
later times the nautical vocabulary of English at any period 
in the history of the language may claim to be of special 
interest. 

9. An attempt has been made to connect the language of 
„, . the later time with the life of the earlier, for the 

Teutonic 7 

settlements connection will shew that the language of those 
in Britain. earlier times, moulded by the life of its speakers, 

was transferred with the speakers from Germany to Britain ; 
and there, with no break in its continuity, though gaining a 
more distinct individuality in its new home, it was to be known 
during all succeeding stages of its development as English. 
We may proceed now to notice the circumstances attending 
the Settlement, to which it was owing that the language in 
question was the language of this island. The middle of the 
fifth century was a favourable time for an extension of the 
operations which the sea-rovers of the continent had been 
carrying on against Britain. The island had been abandoned 
by the Romans, and was weakened by intestine war. Under 
such circumstances Teutonic warriors, with the consent of a 
British prince, gained a foothold in a part of Britain, where 
four hundred years later the Scandinavian pirates, whose story 
in so many respects is like that of the Saxons, are said first to 
have remained through the winter — in Kent : there, in the 
case of each, the step preliminary to permanent occupation 
was taken. For a knowledge of those by whom the occupa- 
tion in the former case was effected we are mainly indebted 



Chapter IV 59 

to Bede's Ecclesiastical History and to the Anglo-Saxon 

Chronicle, 1 and from these sources we may take the following 

points as having a bearing upon language. Bede (Bk. 1. c. 15) 

says : ' In the year of our Lord 449, Martian 

being made emperor with Valentinian ruled the c iesiasticai " 

empire seven years. Then the nation of the ^ istor y> Bk - 

Angles or Saxons . . . arrived in Britain with three 

long ships, and had a place assigned them to reside in ... in the 

eastern part of the island The fertility of the country and 

the cowardice of the Britons being known, a more considerable 

fleet was quickly sent over Those who came over were of 

the three most powerful nations of Germany — Saxons, Angles 
and Jutes. From the Jutes are descended the people of Kent, 
and of the Isle of Wight, and those also in the province of the 
West-Saxons who are to this day called Jutes, seated opposite 
to the Isle of Wight. From the Saxons, that is, the country 
which is now called of the Old Saxons, came the East-Saxons, 
the South-Saxons, and the West-Saxons. From the Angles, 
that is, the country which is called " Angulus," 2 and which is 
said to remain desert to this day, between the provinces of the 
Jutes and Saxons, are descended the East- Angles, the Midland- 
Angles, the Mercians, all the race of the Northumbrians, that 
is, of those nations that dwell on the North side of the river 
Humber, and other nations of the English.' From the Chron- 
icle, which incorporates this chapter of Bede in an abridged 
form, additional dates may be gained. Thus under the year 
477 occurs the notice of the coming of the The An lo 
Saxons who afterwards were known as the South- Saxon chron- 
Saxons (Sussex) ; under 495 the coming of lcle ' 

1 Neither authority is contemporary with the events described, but 
Bede (d. 735), as will be seen from the account he gives of his method of 
collecting the materials for his history, represents the best information of 
his time, and no tradition seems to have remained that contradicts his 
statements. 

2 Cp. Alfred's Orosius : ' paet lond J?e mon Ongle hset.' 



60 Outlines of the History of the English Language 

another body of Saxons, the founders of Wessex, is mentioned, 
and with regard to the Angles it is recorded that Ida assumed 
royal power in Northumbria in 547. For the settlements of 
those Saxons who were afterwards known as the East-Saxons 
(Essex) and of the Angles, both those of Norfolk (Norp-folc) 
and Suffolk (Su)?-folc) and those of Deira, no dates are given, 
but they must have been made before Ida's kingship in 
Bernicia. 

10. We may now consider the bearing of the information 

got from Bede and the Chronicle upon the 
the preceding history of the language. It fixes a date for the 
accounts on arrival of the first band of Teutons, and shews 

language. 

that within about a hundred years of that date all 
the immigrant bands had established their settlements in the 
country; consequently within that century the history of the 
English language in England had fairly begun. Further, these 
immigrant bands were drawn from different tribes, occupying 
different, though adjacent, territories on the continent, con- 
sequently it was not a uniform speech that they brought, but 
several closely connected forms of speech. The different tribes, 
too, settled in different parts of the country, and their early 
distribution is to be remembered in connection with later 
times, when the great division of Northern, Midland, and 
Southern, in the last of which is found a strongly marked 
Kentish form, is distinguishable among English dialects. 

11. The variety of elements among the invaders may have 

been greater than is indicated by Bede's account, 
FrisTanTtook an d there may have been contingents from other 
part in the tribes than the three he mentions. For instance 

Conquest. ... 

the Frisians, 1 whose language shews the near 
relationship of its speakers to the English, may have contrib- 
uted to the invading forces. But if we may judge by the 



1 Procopius (6th cent.) says that Britain was occupied by Angles, 
Britons, and Frisians. 



Chapter IV 61 

names on the map, it was certainly the Angles and the Saxons 
who had the greatest share in the conquest of Britain, and 
while no district bears a name that points to the Frisians, the 
names of both Saxons and Angles may still be seen ; Essex, 
Middlesex, Sussex, Wessex still preserve the one, England and 
East Anglia the other. 

12. While speaking of names that still bear witness to the 
conquerors of Britain it may be noticed that 

neither the country nor the language is called . Th ® An s les 

J ° ° give the name 

after that division of them, whose royal family to the land 
in the end became supreme, and in whose dialect language* 
is written almost all the oldest literature : the 
land is England (Engla land), not Sax-land or Saxony, the 
language is English not Sexish. But the early political impor- 
tance of the Angles is seen in the case of a king like Edwin of 
Northumbria as compared with his contemporary Cwichelm of 
Wessex, and their early literary distinction is illustrated by the 
names of Csedmon and Bede, the one the first English poet 
whose name we know, the other one of the greatest, if not the 
greatest, of the native scholars. Another circumstance may 
perhaps have helped to give currency to the Angle name. 
According to the story (told, for instance, in ^Elfric's homily 
on Gregory) it was Angle captives in the Roman slave market 
that aroused the interest of the future pope, and it was thus the 
Angle race with which the island was associated in the minds 
of the Latin missionaries. If to them the land was Anglia, 
their influence might have helped to establish the name of the 
Angles as that from which the name of the whole country 
should be derived. 

13. Two out of the three peoples mentioned by Bede have 
written their names indelibly on the map of 

-r^ i i -ii i.i-ii i • The Jutes. 

England ; with the third it has been otherwise. 
As late as the beginning of the 8th century, there were, accord- 
ing to Bede, men in Wessex who were known as of the race of 
the Jutes, and the men of Kent were of the same stock. But 



62 Outlines of the History of the English Language 

the former were absorbed by the Saxons ; and the opportunity 
for preserving the name of the Jutes, as that of the Saxons 
was preserved by their neighbours of Essex and Sussex, was 
neglected by the latter, who retained the Celtic appellation for 
the district, which was the first to fall into the hands of the 
Teutons. And though at the end of the 6th century the king- 
dom of Kent was powerful, yet, having the Saxons upon its 
borders, it was unable to expand as did the Angle and Saxon 
powers, who could extend their territories at the expense of 
the Celts ; and the Jutes, though the first to appear upon the 
scene, in the end play only a subordinate part. There is, 
however, one point in reference to them, which as having a 
possible bearing upon language, seems to call for notice. 
According to Bede their old home was to the north of the 
district occupied by the Angles, in the peninsula of Jutland. 
Jutland at a later time was Danish. The point to be con- 
sidered, then, is whether the speech of the Jutes was a Scandi- 
navian one. Now in the 9th century and later many Danes 
settled in England, and of their settlements left many evident 
marks in local names, e.g. in those which contain the termina- 
tion -by. If the language of the Jutes were very closely 
connected with that of the Danes, we might expect to find in 
the districts occupied by them similar traces \ but Kent does 
not shew -such names. We may suppose, then, that the lan- 
guage of the Jutes was nearer to that of the Saxons than to 
that of the Danes ; so that the main dialects introduced into 
Britain by the immigrants were of the same division of the 
Teutonic stock, and between the various forms of speech there 
were no such great differences, as to make it probable that 
if a fusion of the several elements should be effected it would 
be (compare for instance the case of French and English 
after the Norman Conquest) at the expense of extensive 
change. 

But the Teutonic speeches which had thus found a new 
home were not left long to develop under such influences alone 



Chapter IV 63 

as had their sources within the island. Fifty years after (to 
use the expression of the Chronicle) ' Ida feng to rice/ the 
landing of Augustine took place, and with it began a period 
in which once more the language of Rome could influence 
language in Britain. To trace such influence will be the 
work of the following chapter. 



CHAPTER V 



The position of the Teutons in Britain secured before the end of the 
6th century — the coming of Christianity to England — its spread — a 
measure of its influence on the language — learning in England before 
the end of the 8th century — libraries — learning among the Celts and 
its relation to the English — the decay of learning in the 9th century 
described by Alfred — his attempts to promote education — revival of 
learning in the 10th century — Dunstan — ^Elfric — Latin charters — 
absence of foreign material in the language before the Norman Con- 
quest — the larger knowledge of the English due to Christianity — 
the consequent change of the language. 

1. It has been seen in the last chapter that before the 

end of the 6th century the eastern side of 

The assured . . - 

position of the Britain as far north as the r irth of Forth had 
Teutonic ^eeii settled by Teutonic peoples, whose settle- 

settlements in J r r 7 

Britain in the ments, moreover, were so far secure, that the 
energies of the settlers were no longer absorbed 
by struggles with the original inhabitants of the island, but 
might be directed to the development of the several kingdoms 
within their own borders, or to conflicts between rival king- 
doms. It was at the outset of this career of development 
that the influence of Christianity was brought to bear upon 
the English. 

2. The incident with which the story of the conversion 

of the English begins is quite in keeping with 

The coming 001 r o 

of Christianity the character of the people. Not only was 
to England. ^ ca p^ ve f another race (cf. wcalh above) 

64 



Chapter V 65 

enslaved, but in the struggles between the English themselves 
the vanquished was at the absolute disposal of the victor ; even 
in Christian times the captor sold his captive. 1 It is not sur- 
prising, then, to learn that, probably as a result of war in North- 
umbria, there were to be found at the close of the 6th century 
slaves in the Roman market, who had come from Deira. They 
were seen by Gregory, who, interested by their appearance, 
engaged in the jesting conversation, which Bede records and 
which ^Elfric repeats. 2 His interest was so much aroused, that 
he was eager to attempt the conversion of the captives' fellow- 
countrymen ; and though this plan could not be carried out, 
yet later, after he had become Pope, he sent others to accom- 
plish a task, which he had not been allowed to undertake him- 
self. It was a little before 588 (the date of ^Ella's death) that 
the meeting with the English slaves had taken place, and it 
was in 596 that the mission, headed by Augustine, started for 
England. Gregory's missionaries, deterred by what they heard 
of those whom they were to convert, remained among the 
Franks, until, encouraged by him, they in 597 crossed the 

1 See the account in Bede's History (book iv. c. 22) of Imma, a 
follower of the Northumbrian king, Ecgfrith, who after a battle (679) 
between the Northumbrians and Mercians fell into the hands of a Mercian. 
The quality of the captive being discovered by the captor the latter says : 
■ You deserve to die, because all my brothers and relations were killed in 
the fight, yet I will not put you to death.' In the end Imma was sold in 
London to a Frisian. 

2 The punning in this instance may be called happy on account of the 
information it preserves. " Interrogavit, quod esset vocabulum gentis 
illius. Responsum est, quod Angli vocarentur. At ille, ' Bene,' inquit, 
' nam et Angelicam habent faciem, et tales Angelorum in coelis decet esse 
coheredes. Quod habet nomen ipsa provincia de qua isti sunt adlati?' 
Responsum est, quod Deiri vocarentur iidem provinciales. At ille, 
* Bene,' inquit, * Deiri , de ira eruti, et ad misericordiam Christi vocati. 
Rex provinciae illius quomodo appellatur?' Responsum est, quod Aella 
diceretur. At ille adludens ad nomen ait, * Alleluia, laudem Dei Creatoris 
illis in partibus oportet cantari.' " Bede's History, bk. II. c. 1. See also 
Thorpe's edition of ^Elfric's Homilies, Vol. II. p. 120. 

F 



66 Outlines of the History of the English Language 

Channel and landed in Kent. Here the conditions were not 
unfavourable to the success of the undertaking. The power of 
Kent was at that time considerable. 1 Its king, Ethelbert, had 
married a French princess, who was a Christian ; and as she 
maintained the practices of her religion, the idea of Christian- 
ity could not have been entirely foreign to the king. In any 
case, not long after Augustine's landing he was brought to 
profess the new religion ; his example naturally found many 
followers, and Kent, as it had been the first to come under a 
new political rule, was the first to come under the power of a 
new religion. The first Christian Church among the English 
was raised in Kent, and the chief town of the men of Kent — 
Cantwara burh, Canterbury — is still the ecclesiastical capital 
of England. 

3. The influence of Christianity, which thus had begun to 

Thes read of ^ e ^ * n Kent before the close of the 6th century, 

Christianity in in the next century gradually was extended to 

other parts of the country, and the order in 

which the several parts came under it may be roughly shewn 

by the following dates : 

In 604 the East Saxons, to whom Augustine had sent 
Mellitus, were converted; 2 in 627 Edwin of Northumbria was 
baptized, 3 and induced Eorpwald, king of the East Angles, in 
632 to follow his example ; 4 in 634 Birinus was preaching in 

1 * Erat eo tempore rex yEdelberctus in Cantia potentissimus, qui ad 
confinium usque Humbrae fluminis maximi quo Meridiani et Septentrio- 
nales Anglorum populi dirimuntur, fines imperii tetenderat.' Bede 1. 25. 

2 An. 604. * Her East-Seaxe onfengon geleafan and fulwihtes bseft ' in 
this year the East Saxons received the faith and baptism, A. S. Chron. : 
Bede 11. 3. 

3 An. 627. * Her Edwine kyning waes gefulwad mid his J?eode on 
Eastron ' in this year King Edwin was baptized with his people at Easter, 
A. S. Chron. See Bede II. 13 for the discussion which preceded the 
change of faith. 

4 An. 632. * Her waes Eorpwald gefulwad,' A. S. Chron. See Bede II. 
15 for Edwin's influence. 



Chapter V 6 J 

Wessex, with the result that in 635 Cynegils was baptized, and 
in 636 Cwichelm, who a few years before had tried to get 
Edwin assassinated, also accepted baptism -, 1 in 653 the Middle 
Saxons received Christianity; 2 in 655 Penda died, and the 
Mercians became Christians; 3 and, lastly, in 681 Wilfrid 
preached successfully to the South Saxons. 4 Within about 
a hundred years, then, from its introduction by Augustine, 
Christianity had been accepted by all the English kingdoms. 
4. In attempting to estimate the effect upon the language 
of the converts, that was due to their acceptance 

r i r • 1 • «n ^ i i How the 

of another faith, it will not be enough to make influence of 
out a list of Latin words, which were taken into Christianity on 

7 the language 

the language before the Norman Conquest. Such should be 
a list would be a very imperfect measure of the measure 
effect in question. For what we want to know is this : How 
far was English as a medium for the expression of ideas affected 
by the influences which were due to Christianity? Now while 
the literature, which preserves the language for us, bears con- 
stant witness to such influences, yet from that particular form of 
change in language, which consists in the adoption of foreign 
material, the old English is comparatively free — its vocabulary 
has comparatively but few Latin words. Such change, then, in 
this case is no measure of the importance of the influence to 
which it was due. That in early times this kind of change was 

1 An. 634. * Her Birinus biscop bodude West-Seaxum fulwuht ' in 
this year bishop Birinus preached baptism to the West Saxons. 

635. ' Her Cynegils waes gefulwad from Birino.' 

636. ' Her Cwichelm wses gefulwad,' A. S. Chron. 

2 An. 653. * Her Middel-Seaxe onfengon under Peadan aldormen 
ryhtne geleafan,' A. S. Chron. 

3 An. 655. * Her Penda forwear>, and Mierce wurdon Cristne ' in this 
year Penda perished (he was slain by Oswy), and the Mercians became 
Christians^ A. S. Chron. 

4 ' Wilfrid . . . divertens ad provinciam Australium Saxonum, quae . . . eo 
adhuc tempore paganis cultibus serviebat, huic verbum fide et lavacrum 
salutis ministrabat,' Bede rv. 13. 



68 Outlines of the History of the English Language 

so slight is the more notable, that in later times it has been 
made to such an extent as to bring about a characteristic 
contrast between the two stages of the language. That the 
slightness of the change, however, was not due to want of 
acquaintance with the sources from which foreign words might 
have been drawn, will be seen if the state of learning in the 
early times be shortly noticed. 

5. That Latin was studied with success by Englishmen 
within a century of the landing of Augustine, we 

Learning in J ° ° . * 

England in the have the evidence of Bede, who, speaking of 
an h dTn n the y Theodore (ordained archbishop in 668 2 ) and his 
beginning of companion Adrian, says : i As both of them were 
well read both in sacred and in secular literature, 
they gathered a crowd of disciples, and there daily flowed from 
them rivers of knowledge to water the hearts of their hearers ; 
and, together with the books of holy writ, they also taught 
them the arts of ecclesiastical poetry, astronomy, and arith- 
metic. A testimony of which is, that there are still living at 
this day some of their scholars who are as well versed in the 
Greek and Latin tongues as in their own, in which they were 
born.' 2 Among the scholars for whom such proficiency is 
claimed, the cases of Tobias, bishop of Rochester (d. 726), 
and Albinus, who in 708 succeeded Adrian as abbot of the 
monastery at Canterbury (d. 732), may be cited. Of the 
former Bede says : ' He was a most learned man ; for he was 
disciple to those teachers of blessed memory, archbishop 
Theodore and Abbot Adrian, by which means, besides his 
erudition in ecclesiastical and general literature, he learned 
both the Latin and Greek tongues to such perfection that they 
were as well known and familiar to him as his native language.' 3 
Of the latter it is said : ' He was so well instructed in the study 
of the Scriptures that he knew the Greek tongue to no small 

1 An. 668. * Her peodorus mon hadode to ercebiscope,' A. S. Chron. 

2 History, iv. 2. 3 lb. v. 23. 



Chapter V 69 

perfection, and the Latin as thoroughly as the English, which 
was his native language.' * More distinguished, however, than 
either of these was Aldhelm, successively abbot of Malmesbury 
and bishop of Sherborne (d. 709), the author of a Latin poem, 
De Laude Virginitatis, as well as of other Latin works. Of him 
Bede writes : ' He wrote a notable book on Virginity, which, in 
imitation of Sedulius, he composed in hexameter verse and 
prose. He wrote some other books, as being a man most 
learned in all respects, for he had a pure style, and was 
wonderful for ecclesiastical and liberal erudition.' 2 Even if 
allowance be made for the exaggeration of panegyric, the terms 
in which Bede speaks of his contemporaries' attainments will 
shew, that in the latter part of the 7th and the early part of the 
8th century learning flourished in the south of England ; while 
for its condition in the north it may be sufficient to recall the 
name of Bede. In his case, too, as in that of Aldhelm, it is 
not report only that has to be trusted ; their works remain to 
shew the quality of their scholarship. 

6. That during the 8th century learning continued to 
flourish in the north is seen, if another famous T . . 

7 Learning in 

English scholar be called as witness. Alcuin, the north of 
born about the time of Bede's death (735), was b^orethe end 
educated at York under Egbert (archbishop from of the 8th 
732 to 766) and under Ethelbert, Egbert's suc- 
cessor. Ethelbert, on his accession, appointed Alcuin to the 
place which he had himself occupied in the school, and en- 
trusted to his care the library belonging to it. Alcuin later 
lived in France as the friend and counsellor of Charlemagne, 
and from a letter written in 796 at Tours to the latter we may 
learn how the English scholar could look back to the favoured 
conditions of his old home. i I here feel severely,' he writes, ' the 
want of those invaluable books of scholastic erudition which 
I had in my own country, by the kind and most affectionate 

1 History, v. 20. 2 lb. v. 18. 



JO Outlines of the History of the English Language 

industry of my master, and also in some measure by my own 
humble labours. Let me therefore propose to your Excellency, 
that I send over thither some of our youth, who may collect for 
us all that is necessary, and bring back with them into France 
the flowers of Britain. 7 

7. It was very soon after the coming of Augustine that such 

Libraries in flowers began to make their appearance in Britain. 

England j n £ OI Gregory, when despatching Mellitus and 

before the end b /' . \ ° 

of the 8th others to England, sent with them many books. 1 

century. ^ n( j ^e English themselves took care that their 

number should be increased. Acca, bishop of Hexham (709), 
by his diligence as a collector, formed a considerable library. 2 
Benedict Biscop, abbot of Wearmouth, Bede's master, made 
five journeys to the continent, with the result that a numerous 
collection of books was to be found in the monastery, where 
Bede, speaking of himself, says, ' I was given, at seven years 
of age to be educated by the most reverend abbot Benedict ; 
and spending there all the remaining time of my life, I wholly 
applied myself to the study of Scripture.' The same diligence 
was shewn by Egbert, as we are told by his scholar Alcuin ; 3 
from whom we may learn also, in part at least, what ' flowers 
of Britain ' were to be found at York. His lines, dealing with 
the books there, as giving a catalogue, though an imperfect 
one, of one of the best libraries in England in the 8th century 
may be quoted here : 

Illic invenies veterum vestigia patrum, 
quidquid habet pro se latio Romanus in orbe; 

1 ' Gregorius misit . . . codices plurimos,' Bede I. 29. 

2 ' Acca . . . historias passionis martyrum, una cum caeteris ecclesiasticis 
voluminibus, summa industria congregans, amplissimam ac nobilissimam 
bibliothecam fecit,' ib. v. 20. 

3 Alcuin, in one of his poems, says of Egbert : 

* Non semel externas peregrino tramite terras 
jam peragravit ovans, sophiae ductus amore; 
si quid forte novi librorum aut studiorum 
quod secum ferret, terris reperiret in illis.' 



Chapter V 71 

Graecia vel quidquid transmisit clara latinis; 
Hebraicus vel quod populus bibit ore superno; 
Africa lucifluo vel quidquid lumine sparsit. 
Quod pater Hieronymus, quod sensit Hilarius, atque 
Ambrosius praesul, simul Augustinus, et ipse 
Sanctus Athanasius, quod Orosius edit avitus, 
quidquid Gregorius summus docet, et Leo papa : 
Basilius quidquid, Fulgentius atque coruscant. 
Cassiodorus item, Chrysostomus atque loannes. 
Quidquid et Athelmus docuit, quod Beda magister, 
quae Victorinus scripsere, Boetius, atque 
historici veteres, Pompeius, Plinius, ipse 
acer Aristoteles, rhetor quoque Tullius ingens : 
quid quoque Sedulius, vel quid canit ipse Iuvencus, 
Alcuinus et Clemens, Prosper, Paulinus, Arator, 
quid Fortunatus vel quid Lactantius edunt, 
quae Maro Virgilius, Statius, Lucanus, et auctor 
artis grammaticae, vel quid scripsere magistri, 
quid Probus atque Phocas, Donatus, Priscianusve, 
Servius, Euticius, Pompeius, Comminianus. 
Invenies alios perplures. 

8. In speaking of learning in England in these early times 
it should not be forgotten that it was not to the Learning 
continent only that the English were indebted among Celtic 

• i • m V-, 1 • ^1 • • r Christians in 

for their teaching. To the Celtic Christians of its relation to 
both Scotland and Ireland the English, especially the En e lish - 
in the north, after they had accepted Christianity owed much. 
It was to the Scots, among whom he had lived in banishment, 
that Oswald of Northumbria appealed, 1 when he needed a 
bishop ; and in response Aidan came from Iona (635), a man 
whose ' course of life was so different from the slothfulness of 
our times, that all those who bore him company, whether they 
were shorn monks or laymen, were employed in meditation, 
that is, either in reading the Scriptures, or learning psalms/ 
and who, ' if it happened, which was but seldom, that he was 
invited to eat with the king, went with one or two clerks, and 
having taken a small repast, made haste to be gone with them, 

1 Bede ill. 3. 



72 Outlines of the History of the English Language 

either to read or write.* 1 In Mercia, too, there were ecclesiastics 
of Scottish race. From Ireland Fursey, who ' from his boyish 
years had particularly applied himself to reading sacred books/ 2 
came to settle among the East Angles. In the land he had 
left were to be found scholars learned alike in sacred and 
profane literature, 3 and many repaired thither to enjoy the 
benefits of their teaching. In speaking of a pestilence which 
raged in Ireland (664) Bede notes : ' Many of the nobility, and 
of the lower ranks of the English nation, were there at that 
time, who retired thither for the sake of Divine studies ; and 
some of them chose to apply themselves to study, going 
about from one master's cell to another. The Irish willingly 
received them all, and took care to supply them with food, 
as also to furnish them with books to read, and their teaching, 
gratis.' 4 

9. These few notices may be sufficient to illustrate the 

point, that before 800 there was enough know- 
ledge 6 ofLatin tedge of Latin among English scholars to enable 
did not lead to them, if they had wished, to adopt into the 
tion of foreign native language Latin words ; that, consequently, 
material into j t was not t0 fa e unfamiliarity of English scholars 

with Latin in the times which precede those to 
which the earliest specimens of English literature belong, that 
the language of that literature owes its freedom from foreign 
material, a freedom which makes the earliest stage of English 
so great a contrast with later stages, when knowledge of other 

1 Bede in. 5. 2 Ib. ill. 19. 

3 At the time of the mortality (642) the infection reached a certain 
scholar (in Ireland), a man learned in worldly literature, ib. III. 13. 

4 Ib. III. 27. Bede mentions by name * two youths of great capacity, 
of the English nobility,' Ethelhun and Egbert, as cases in point, and adds 
that their example was followed later by a brother of the former, who, 
after studying in Ireland, returned to England and became bishop of 
Lindsey. Another instance of study in Ireland is that of * Agilbert, by 
nation a Frenchman, but who had lived a long time in Ireland, for the 
purpose of reading the Scriptures.' Ib. ill. 7. 



Chapter V 73 

languages was followed by wholesale borrowing from them. 
Had the study of Latin been uninterruptedly pursued with the 
diligence of the early scholars, the result, perhaps, would have 
been different. But at the time when Alcuin was writing to 
Charlemagne the letter quoted above, Danish ships had already 
appeared off the English coast, and the 9th century saw, very 
largely in consequence of the Danish attacks, the decay of 
learning in England. What the condition of the country in the 
9th century was, how painful a contrast with that 
of earlier times, may be told in Alfred's own . ^ arl "" ff 

' J in the 9th 

words. ' It has very often come into my mind/ century, 
he writes in the preface to his translation of Ai e fred!° ny ° f 
Gregory's Pastoral Care, 'what wise men there 
formerly were throughout England, both of sacred and of 
secular orders; and how happy times there were then through- 
out England ; and how the kings . . . prospered both in war and 
in wisdom ; and also the sacred orders how zealous they were 
both in teaching and learning ; . . . and how foreigners came to 
this land in search of wisdom and teaching, and how we should 
now have to get them from abroad, if we were to have them. 
So clean had learning fallen away in England, that there were 
very few on this side the Humber who could understand their 
rituals in English or translate a letter from Latin into English ; 
and I believe that there were not many beyond the Humber. 
There were so few of them, that I cannot remember a single 

one south of the Thames, when I came to the throne I 

remembered also how I saw, before it had all been ravaged and 
burnt, how the churches throughout all England stood filled 
with treasures and books, and there was also a great many of 
God's servants \ but they got very little good from the books, 
for they could not understand anything of them, for they were 
not written in their own language. As if they had said, " Our 
forefathers loved wisdom, and through it they got wealth and 
left to us. Their track may still be seen here, but we cannot 
follow it out, and so we have lost both the wealth and the 



74 Outlines of the History of the English Language 

wisdom." When I remembered all this I wondered very 
greatly at the good and wise men who were formerly through- 
out England, and had completely learned all the books, that 
they had not wished to turn any part of them into their own 
language. But at once I answered myself and said : " They 
did not suppose that men were ever to become so careless, and 
learning so to fall away ; from that desire they left it alone, and 
wished that the more wisdom might be in the land, the more 
languages we knew." ' 

10. Where Alfred recognised an evil, an attempt on the 

first opportunity to remedy it naturally followed. 

Alfred's _, , J _ r . . J 

attempts to From the same Preface it may be seen that 
promote edu- better times had already begun. He had found 

cation. ... 

scholars to help him in his translation, which was 
made 6 as I had learned from Plegmund my archbishop, and from 
Asser my bishop, and from Grimbold my masspriest, and from 
John my masspriest ' ; he could thank God that ' we now have 
any provision of teachers ' : and he could propose a scheme of 
education for his people. ' It seems to me better, if it seems so 
to you (the bishop to whom the copy of the translation was 
sent), that we turn into the language that we all know, some 
books which are most needful for all to know, and cause, as we 
easily may with God's help, if we have tranquillity, that all the 
youth now in England of free men and of sufficient means be 
put to learning while they are not fit for any other employment, 
until the time that they can read English well ; and let those 
be further taught in Latin for whom further teaching is wished, 
and who are to be promoted to a higher rank/ 

11. The more settled times of the 10th century allowed 
Revival of ^ e no P es °f Alfred to be to some extent realised, 

learning in the and the study of Latin was once more success- 
ion century. fally prosecuted- According to iElfric (c. iooo) 

this was largely owing to Dunstan (b. 925). In the preface to 
his grammar ^Elfric refers to the necessity of teaching the 
young, ' so that holy lore in our days may not grow cold and 



Chapter V 75 

faint, as happened in England some few years ago, so that no 
English priest could compose or expound a letter in Latin, 
until Archbishop Dunstan and Bishop ^Ethelwold 1 established 
that teaching in monasteries.' It was for the youth of the 
monastic schools that the grammar was intended, 2 and the 
teaching of Latin may be further illustrated by the Latin 
Colloquy, with its interlinear English gloss, which goes under 
/Elfric's name, 3 and by the Latin-English vocabulary which 
generally follows the grammar. This contains the correspond- 
ing Latin and English words for various groups of common 
things, such as parts of the body, the house and its parts, &c. 
As early as the 8th century collections of Latin words with the 
English equivalents had been made, 4 sometimes arranged in 
alphabetical order, thus taking a first step towards the com- 
pilation of a Latin- English dictionary. 

As a last instance of attention to Latin literature may be 
noted the library that Leofric, bishop of Exeter (1050), 
acquired for his church. 5 Besides others it contained * Liber 
pastoralis, liber dialogorum, liber Boetii de Consolatione, 
Isagoge Porphirii, . . . liber Prosperi, liber Prudentii psicomachie, 
liber Prudentii ymnorum, liber Prudentii de martyribus, . . . liber 
Isidori etimologiarum, . . . liber Isidori de novo et veteri testa- 
mento, liber Isidori de miraculis Christi, . . . liber Persii, Sedulies 
boc, glose Statii . . .' 

12. In the preceding remarks it has been chiefly in the 

1 ^Ethelwold, bishop of Winchester (d. 984), was ^Elfric's teacher. In 
the Latin preface to the grammar occurs the expression ' sicut didicimus 
in scola Adelwoldi.' 

2 ' Ego ^Elfricus has excerptiones de Prisciano minore vel majore vobis 
puerulis tenellis ad vestram linguam transferre studui. ' 

3 The Colloquy will be found in Thorpe's Analecta Anglo- Saxonica, or 
in the first volume of Wright's Vocabularies. 

* See the two volumes of Wright's Vocabularies, or the edition of these 
by Wulcker. 

6 * pus fela Ledenboca he beget in to J?an mynstre,' Earle's Charters, 
p. 251. 



J6 Outlines of the History of the English Language 

character of a literary language that Latin has 
Charters. been considered, the language in which were 

written books that were read or composed by 
the old English scholars. But from a rather different quarter 
may be illustrated a familiarity with Latin during the whole 
period under notice — from the long series of charters written 
in that language. The first of these, given by Kemble in his 
Codex Diplomaticus Aevi Saxonici, and accepted by him as 
genuine, is a charter of Ethelbert of Kent, dated 604, and from 
that time onwards there is no period which shews the disuse of 
Latin. 

13. It will be seen from what has been said in the preceding 

paragraphs, that the freedom from foreign ma- 
foreign ma- terial, which continued to mark the language 
writtngs^ 6 i n t ^ Le I0t h an d IIt; b centuries, was not due to 
.ffiifricand ignorance of Latin on the part of those who 

wrote the best English. ALlfric, as we have 
seen, was a scholar, but in his works, which are the best 
specimens of the prose of his time, there are very few words 
borrowed from Latin. And it is the same with other writers. 
All preferred to use native material, with the result that, in 
respect to the proportion of the native to the foreign element 
in the vocabulary, the earliest and the latest stages of the 
language are in striking contrast with one another. 

14. But though from the language of the literature that 
The larger Christianity brought to the knowledge of the 

knowledge of English, they may have taken few words, yet by 
due to christi- that literature they were introduced to a new 
anity - world of thought, whose ideas called for expres- 

sion. Nor was it only by a knowledge that Christianity 
brought to them in their island home that their mental horizon 
was widened. The door was opened to intercourse alike with 
the Celtic Christians of Britain and Ireland, and with the 
Christians of the continent. The examples of men like Aidan 1 
1 See the life of Aidan, Bede ill. 5. 



Chapter V jj 

of Iona were put before the English in their own land, or by 
sojourn in Ireland they came to know a new life. To Gaul 
and to Italy there was constant resort. Benedict Biscop 
journeyed five times to the continent. Wilfred of York, before 
his settlement there, had lived in Gaul and Rome. 1 Alcuin 
was the friend of Charlemagne. Englishwomen went to Gaul 
for instruction, 2 and more than one English king went to Rome. 3 
The fervour of English Christianity led Englishmen to mis- 
sionary effort among their heathen kinsmen on the continent, 
and Wictbert and Wilbrord went to preach to the Frisians. 4 

15. The conditions of knowledge, then, among the English, 
whether that knowledge were gained by inter- 
course with books or with men, must have been fi cati o™of *~ 
very different from that which would have pre- language 
vailed had Christianity not come to them, and p i ie d by mo'di- 
this difference implies that the language must Ration of 

r ° ° knowledge. 

have been very different from that which would 
have served their needs, had they remained outside the 
Christian pale. If we could say how different, we should 
get a measure of the influence exerted on the language by 
Christianity. As it is impossible to say what the language 
might have been, if it had been left to itself, it is impossible to 
determine the difference just spoken of; but there are many 
points in which the influence in question may be traced, and 
these will be noticed in the following chapter. 

1 See for Wilfrid's life, Bede v. 19. 

2 The daughter of Earconbert (640) of Kent was in a monastery at 
Brie, ■ for,' says Bede, * at that time but few monasteries being built in 
England, many were wont to repair to the monasteries of the Franks, and 
they also sent their daughters there to be instructed,' III. 8. 

3 An. 728. * Her Ine ferde to Rome,' A. S. Chron. 

737. * Her For}?here biscop and Fri>ogi> cuen ferdun to Rome,' ib. 

855. * ^Efcelwulf cyning ferde to Rome, and >3er waes xii mona> wuni- 
ende, and J?a him hamweard for, and him Carl Francna cyning his dohtor 
geaf him to cuene,' ib. 

4 Bede iv. 9, 10. 



CHAPTER VI 

Learning in England — the Latin authors chiefly studied were the Christian 
writers — Latin of the Second Period — Latin-English hybrids — the Latin 
element, except in special classes of words, really small — changed con- 
ditions of life implied by some of the Latin words — expansion of the 
native language — parallel Latin and English words — contrast of Old 
English and Modern English in respect to the use of foreign material 
— illustration of this from translations of the Scriptures — ecclesiastical 
terms — scientific terms — terms of grammar — of Astronomy — other 
classes of words — the method by which the use of Latin words was 
avoided — importance of the influence of Christianity on the language. 

1. In the preceding chapter some illustration has been 
attempted of the extent to which, in the period 

Learning in x . L 

England between the coming of Augustine and the 

before io65. Norraan Conquest, learning, that had followed 
in the train of Christianity, flourished in England. Though it 
fell on evil days when the Danes were ravaging the country, 
yet through a great part of the period the names of English 
scholars may be pointed to as evidence that Latin was known 
by those who were likely to mould the literary speech of 
England. Much of the prose literature, as will be noticed 
later, is translation from the Latin. The writer of the best 
English prose, when the period was drawing to its close, was 
^Elfric, the compiler of a Latin- English Grammar. With such 
a knowledge of Latin among Englishmen, the natural result 
was, that one effect on their language, in which the influence of 
Christianity may be traced, was the incorporation into it of 
foreign material. This addition to the vocabulary is known as 
Latin of the Second Period. 

78 



Chapter VI 79 

2. Before giving a list of the words that may be placed 
under this head, it may be well to refer to some The 

of the notices given in Chapter v. From these authors 
it will be seen, that, as might be expected, it was were the Udied 
not the classical writers, who were the special christian 
objects of study ; it was rather the Christian 
writers of a later age, with whom the Christian scholars of 
England were familiar. It was religious, rather than literary, 
considerations, which made an author acceptable ; even Alcuin, 
according to his biographer, in later life saw the folly of reading 
the lies of Virgil, and would neither study them himself, nor 
permit his pupils to do so either ; * and the Latin, with which 
the glossaries shew their compilers to have been brought in 
contact, is not always such as finds a place in a classical 
dictionary. 

3. With this preface as to the character of the Latin with 
which the English scholars were most familiar 

we may proceed to give a list of words of Latin Th e Latin of 
origin, 2 that made their way into English before period, 
about the middle of the eleventh century : 

* Words which occur only in Latin-English Glossaries, or in glosses to 
Latin works. 

t Ecclesiastical words. § Plant names. 

X Words that occur only once or twice. For the reason of these 
distinctions see § 5. 

English, Latin 

fabbod abbot abbatem 

tabbodisse abbess abbatissa 

1 * Legerat isdem vir Domini {Alcuin) libros juvenis antiquorum philo- 
sophorum, Virgiliique mendacia, quae nolebat jam ipse nee audire, neque 
discipulos suos legere, "sumciunt," inquiens, " divini poetae vobis, nee 
egetis luxuriosa sermonis Virgiiii vos pollui facundia." ' In the same spirit 
Isidore of Seville (d. 636) forbade the monks under his control from 
reading books written by heathen of the olden time. 

2 Under this head are taken words borrowed by Latin from other 
languages. 



8o Outlines of the History of the English Language 



English 




Latin 




*accent 


accent 


accentus 




*aebs 


fir-tree 


abies 




faelmesse 


alms 


eleemosyna 




fserce- 


arch- (in cmpds) 


archi- 




sestel 


book-mark 


(h)astula 




falbe 


alb 


alba 




falter (-are) 


altar 


altare 




§aluwe 


aloes 


aloe 




amber 1 


jar, measure 


amphora {low 


1 Lat. ambra) 


*amel 


vessel for holy water 


amula 




ampelle (-ulle) 


bottle 


ampulla 




ancor, ancra 


anchor 


anchora 




fancor, ancra 


hermit 


anachoreta 




tantefn 


anthem 


antiphona 




fapostata 


apostate 


apostata 




fapostol 


apostle 


apostolus 




§aprotane 


wormwood 


abrotanum 




§armelu 


wild rue 


harmala 




aspide 


asp 


aspidem 




*atrum 


ink 


atramentum 




fb3e[d]zere, bsestere 


(not in West Saxon) baptist baptista 




§balsam 


balsam 


balsamum 




*basilisca 


basilisk 


basiliscus 




belt 


belt 


balteus 




Jbe-mutian 


to exchange 


mutare 




§berbene 


verbena 


verbena 




§bete 


beet-root 


beta 




§betonice 


betony 


betonica 




fbiscop 


bishop 


episcopus 




Jbises 


day added in leap-year 


bissextus 




Jbissext 


leap-year 


bissextus 




§box 


box -tree 


buxus 




Jbrefan 


to epitomise 


brevis 




*bula 


ornament 


bulla 




butere 


butter 


butyrum 




*csefester 


halter Y 
to bridle ) 






Jge-cafstrian 


capistrum 





1 In this case the native English word may have helped to introduce 
the Latin form. The mod. German eimer, a pail, has ein-par as its earliest 
form, to which would correspond an Old English an-bser. 





Chapter VI 




English 




Latin 


fcseppe 


hood 


cappa 


Jcalc 


shoe 


calceus 


calend 


month) time 


calendae 


calic 


cup 


calicem 


Jcama 


muzzle 


camus 


camel (not in West Saxon) camel 


camelus 


camp 


battle 


campus 


cancer 


cancer 


cancer 


candel 


candle 


candela 


fcanon 


canon, rule 


canon 


fcanonic 


canon (person) 


canonicus 


fcantere 


singer 


canto 


■frantic 


canticle 


canticum 


capitol 


chapter 


capitulum 


*capun 


capon 


caponem 


carcern * 


prison 


career 


§caric(e) 


dry fig 


carica 


carte 


paper, document 


charta 


casere 


emperor 


Caesar 


castel 


village 


castellum 


§cawel 


cabbage 


caulis 


cealc 


chalk 


calcem 


§ceder 


cedar 


cedrus 


§cele>onie 


celandine 


chelidonium 


§cel(l)endre 


coriander 


coriandrum 


*cemes 


shirt 


camisia 


♦centaur 


centaur 


centaurus 


§centaurie 


centaury (plant) 


centaureum 


ceren 


sweet wine 


carenum 


§cerfille 


chervil 


cerefolium 


cetel 


kettle 


catillus 


*fchor 


dance, choir 


chorus 


§ciepe 


onion 


caepa 


ciese 


cheese 


caseus 


ciest 


chest 


cista 


*cilic 


sack-cloth 


cilicium 


cimbal(a) 


cymbal 


cymbalum 


ciper [-sealf] 


henna ointment 


cypros 



81 



1 This form seems to combine English cern, a house, with the 
Latin. 

G 



82 Outlines of the History of the English Language 



English 




Latin 


circul 


circle 


circulus 


[cirice 


church 


kvpiclk6v~\ 


§cires [-beam] 


cherry-tree 


cerasus 


§cisten 


chestnut 


castanea 


*citere 


harp 


cithara 


clauster, clustor 


enclosed place, cloister 


claustrum 


fcleric 


clerk 


clericus 


cms, cluse 


confined place 


clausum 


c5c 


cook 


coquus 


§cod [-seppel] 


quince 


cydonia 


§coliandre 


coriander 


coriandrum 


Jcolumne, columbe 


column 


columna 


cometa 


comet 


cometa 


§consolde 


comfrey 


consolida 


consul 


consul 


consul 


Jcoorte 


cohort 


cohortem 


copor 


copper 


cuprum 


*ge-cor5nian 


to crown 


corona 


Jcranic 


chronicle 


chronicus 


fcreda 


creed 


credo 


fcrisma 


holy oil 


chrisma 


crisp, cirps 


curly 


crispus 


cristalla 


crystal 


crystallus 


§cristalla 


flea-bane 


crystallium 


cristen 


christian 


christianus 


§croh 


saffron 


crocus 


*cruft, crufte 


vault 


crypta 


J cubit 


cubit 


cubitus 


cucler 


spoon 


cochlear 


§cucurbite 


gourd 


cucurbita 


fcugele 


cowl 


cuculla 


Jculpe 


fault 


culpa 


culter 


coulter 


culter 


cumb 


coomb (measure) 


cumba ( ?) 


fcumpaeder 


godfather 


compater 


§cuneglsesse 


hound' 's tongue (plant) 


cynoglossos 


cuppe 


cup 


cuppa 


*cwatern 


? 


quaternio 


cycene 


kitchen 


coquina 


cyf, cyp 


vessel 


cupa 


*cylen 


kiln 


culina 





Chapter VI 




English 




Latin 


cyll, cylle 


bottle 


culeus 


§cymen 


cummin 


cuminum 


§cyrfette 


gourd 


cucurbita 


declmian 


to decline (in grammar) 


de dinar e 


*delfm 


dolphin 


delphinus 


deofol 


devil 


diabolus 


Jderodine 


scarlet dye 


teredinem 


diacon 


deacon 


diaconus 


dihtan 


to compose, direct 


dictare 


*dmere 


coi?i 


denarius 


disc 


dish 


discus 


discipul 


disciple 


discipulus 


domne 


lord (as title) 


dominus 


draca 


dragon 


draco 


§dracent(s)e 


dragon-wort 


dracontea 


Jdulmun 


war -ship 


dromunda 


earc 


ark, chest 


area 


ele 


oil 


oleum 


§elehtre 


lupin 


electrum 


elpend 


elephant 


elephantus 


engel 


angel 


angelus 


§eolone 


elecampane 


inula 


Eotol 


Italy 


Italia 


epact 


epact 


epactus 


epistol 


letter 


epistola 


fals 


fraud 


falsum 


fann 


winnowing-fan 


vannus 


ffant, font 


font 


fontem 


fFariseisc 


Pharis can 


Pharisaeus 


fefer 


fever 


febris 


§feferfuge 


feverfew (plant) 


febrifugia 


fenix 


phenix 


fenix 


fers 


verse 


versus 


§fic 


fig 


ficus 


*fifele 


buckle 


fibula 


§finugle, finol 


fennel 


foeniculum 


*fij?elere 


fiddler 


vidula (?) 


flasce 


flask 


vasculam 


*florisc 


flowering 


flora 


*flytme 


lancet 


phlebotomum 


forca 


fork 


furca 



83 



84 Outlines of the History of the English Language 



English 




Latin 


foss 


ditch 


fossa 


*fossere 


spade 


fossorium 


fullere 


fuller^ bleacher 


fullo 


gigant 


giant 


gigantem 


gimm 


gem 


gemma 


§glaedene 


gladdon (plant) 


gladina (?) 


Jglesan 


to gloss, explain 


glossa 


grad 


grade, step 


gradus 


graef 


style (for writing) 


graphium 


Jgrammaticere 


grammarian 


grammaticus 


§hymele 


hop-plant 


humulus 


idol 


idol 


idolum 


impe 


graft 


impotus 


in-segel, -sigel 


seal 


sigillum 


§lactuca 


lettuce 


lactuca 


lacu 1 


lake 


lacus 


Lseden 


Latin 


latinum 


lsewede 


unlearned, lay 


laicus 


lamprede, lempedu 


lamprey 


lampreda 


§lauer, laur 


laurel 


laur us 


Jlegie 


legion 


legio 


*lent 


lentil 


lentena 


leo, leona 


lion 


leo, leonem 


*leowe 


league 


leuga, leuca 


fletania 


litany 


litania 


§lilie 


lily 


lilium 


line 


line 


linea 


lopestre, lopust 


lobster 


locusta 


§lufestice 


lovage 


lubestica 


maegister 


master 


magister 


fmaesse 


mass 


missa 


§magdala [-treow] 


almond-tree 


amygdala 


*mamme 


teat 


mamma 


marma, marm-, marman [-stan] marble 


marmor 


fmartyr 


martyr 


martyrus 


§mariifie 


horehound 


marrubium 


§mealwe 


mallow 


malva 


Jmechanisc 


mechanical 


mechanicus 


mentel 


cloak 


mantellum 



1 But cf. the English verb leccan, to moisten. 





Chapter VI 




English 




Latin 


mere-grot, 1 -grota 


pearl 


margarita 


meter 


metre 


metrum 


mil 


mile 


milia 


♦mil 


millet 


milium 


Jmilitisc 


military 


miles 


miltestre 


harlot 


meretrix 


§minte 


mint 


mentha 


§mor [-beam] 


mulberry-tree 


morus 


mortere 


mortar 


mortarium 


mul 


mule 


mulus 


munt 


mountain 


montem 


fmunuc, mynecen 


monk, nun 


monachus 


Jmur 


wall 


murus 


muscle 


mussel 


musculus 


must 


new wine 


mustum 


*mutung 


loan 


mutuum 


Jmydd 


bushel 


modius 


mylen 


mill 


molina 


fmynster 


monastery 


monasterium 


§myrre 


myrrh 


myrra 


§n£p 


turnip 


napus 


§nard 


spikenard 


nardus 


§nefte, nepte 


cafs mint 


nepeta 


fnon 


ninth hour 


nona (hora) 


Jnot 


mark 


nota 


*notere 


scribe 


notarius 


fnunne 


nun 


nonna 


foffrian 


to offer 


offerre 


fofleete 


oblation 


oblata 


olfend 


camel 


elephantem 


♦ore 


the infernal regions 


orcus 


ore 


vessel 


urceus 


orel, orl 


garment 


orale 


organ 
organe 


song 

musical instrument 


organon 


§organe 


marjoram 


origanum 


ostre 


oyster 


ostrea 



85 



1 This seems to be a case of ( popular etymology,' the foreign word 
being represented by native material of very similar sound, which also very 
fairly gives the meaning required; a pearl may be called a ' sea-stone.' 



86 Outlines of the History of the English Language 



English 




Latin 


tpsell 


cloak 


pallium 


*pal 


pole 


palus 


palent, palendse 


palace 


palantium 


§palm 


palm-tree 


palma 


panne 


pan 


pat(i)na (?) 


fpapa 


pope 


papa 


*paper 


papyrus 


papyrus 


Jpard 1 


leopard 


pardus 


Jpart 


part 


partem 


pawa, pea 


peacock 


pavo 


§persoc 


peach 


persicum 


§peru 


pear 


pirus 


§pervince 


periwinkle 


pervinca 


§petersilige 


parsley 


petroselinum 


pic 


pitch 


picem 


Jpihment 


drug 


pigmentum 


pihten 


part of a loom 


pecten 


pji 


pointed stick 


pilum 


pile 


mortar 


pila 


pilece 


robe of skin 


pellicia 


pinian 


to torment 


poena 


§pm [-treow] 


pine 


pinus 


pinn 


pin 


penna 


pinsian 


to consider 


pensare 


§pipor 


pepper 


piper 


§pirige 


pear-tree 


pirus 


§pise 


pea 


pisum 


*pisle 


chamber 


pisalis 


pistol 


letter 


epistola 


pkece, plaetse (not in 


West Saxon) open place 


platea 


plante 


plant 


planta 


plaster 


plaster 


emplastrum 


*platian 


to cover with plates 


platus 


§plum [-fe)?er] 


doivn 


pluma 


§plume, plyme 


plum 


prunus 


polente 


parched corn 


polenta 


§pollegie 


pennyroyal 


pulegium 


§popig 


poppy 


papaver 



1 But the word is hardly naturalised, and occurs only once : * Da swiftan 
tigres and $a syllican pardes.' Translation of Basil's Hexameron, 



Chapter VI 



8 7 



English 




Latin 


§porr 


leek 


porrum 


port 


port, town 


portus 


port 


gate 


porta 


tportic 


porch 


porticus 


post 


post 


postis 


fprafost 


provost 


praepositus 


Jpredician 


to preach 


praedicare 


fpreost 


priest 


presbyter 


fprirn 


six o'clock, a.m. 


prima 


profian 


to regard as 


probare 


§prutene 


southernwood 


abrotanum 


*puerisc 


boyish 


puer 


pumic 


pumice 


pumicem 


*punt 


punt 


ponto 


tpur 


without blemish 


purus 


purpure 


purple robe 


purpura 


*purs 


purse 


bursa 


pyle 


pillow 


pulvinus 


pyngan 


to prick 


pungere 


§pyretre 


pellitory 


pyrethrum 


pytt 


pit 


puteus 


§raedic 


radish 


radicem 


frseps 


response (in church) 


responsorium 


fregol 


rule 


regula 


frelic-, reliquias, pi. 


reliefs) 


reliquiae 


*renge 


spider 


aranea 


§rose 


rose 


rosa 


§rude 


rue 


ruta 


§rysc, rysce 


rush (plant) 


ruscus 


sacc 


sack 


saccus 


fsacerd 


priest 


sacerdos 


sselmerige 


brine 


salmuria 


§sseppe 


spruce fir 


cf. sappinus 


Saeternes [dseg] 


Saturday 


Saturni dies 


§sse}^erige, saturege 


savory (plant) 


satureia 


§safine 


savine (plant) 


sabina 


§salfige 


sage (plant) 


salvia 


Jsallettan 


to sing to the harp 


psaltere 


saltere 


psalter, psaltery 


psalterium 


fsanct 


saint 


sanctus 


sape 


soap 


sapo 



88 Outlines of the History of the English Language 



English 




Latin 


sceamol 


bench 


scamellum 


scol, scolu 


school 


scola 


serin 


shrine 


scrinium 


scrofell 


scrofula 


scrofula 


scutel 


dish 


scutula 


fsealm 


psalm 


psalmus 


sealtian 


to dance 


saltare 


seam 


burden 


sagma 


seamere 


beast of burden 


sagmarius 


segn 


sign 


signum 


segne 


drag-net 


sagena 


§senep 


mustard 


sinapi 


seoloc 


silk 


sericum 


fseonoj? 


synod 


sy nodus 


*sescle 


sixth part 


sextula 


sester 


jar, measure 


sextarius 


sicol 


sickle 


secula 


Jsicor 


secure 


securus 


{side 


silk 


seta 


§sideware 


zedoary 


zedoarium 


§sigle 


rye 


secale, segale 


socc 


sock 


soccus 


*sole 


sandal 


solea 


solor 


upper room 


solarium 


§solsece 


heliotrope 


solsequia 


son 


sound 


sonus 


spadu 


spade 


spatha 


*spaldur 


asphalt 


asphaltum 


*spelt 


corn 


spelta 


spendan 


to spend 


expendere 


§spica 


spikenard 


spica 


*spilaeg 


kind of snake 


spilagius 


sponge, spynge 


sponge 


spongia 


spyrte 


basket 


sporta 


staer 


history 


historia 


Jfor-stoppian 


to stop up 


stuppare 


strsel 


bed 


stragula 


♦stropp 


strap 


struppus 


*stryta 


ostrich 


struthio 


sutere 


shoemaker 


sutor 


§syrfe 


service tree 


sorbus 





Chapter VI 




English 




Latin 


tabule 


table, tablet 


tabula 


tasfl 


chess-board 


tabula 


tsepped 


carpet 


tapete 


ftempel 


temple 


templum 


temprian 


to temper 


temperare 


teosol 


die 


tessera 


ftermen 


term 


terminus 


tigele 


tile 


tegula 


tiger 


tiger 


tigris 


tigrisc 


of a tiger 


» 


timpane 


timbrel 


tympanum 


*titul 


title 


titulus 


*torcul 


wine-press 


torcular 


torr 


tower 


turris 


traht 


exposition 


tractus 


Jtraisc 


tragic 


tragicus 


*trifet 


tribute 


tributum 


trifulian 


to grind 


tribulare 


ftropere 


a service-book 


troparium 


*truht 


trout 


tructa 


tunece 


tunic 


tunica 


*turl 


ladle 


trulla 


turnian, tyrnan 


to turn 


tornare 


turtle 


turtle-dove 


turtur 


*ulm [-treow] 


elm-tree . 


ulmus 


tynien 


hymn 


hymnus 


fymnere 


hymn-book 


hymnarium 


ynce 


inch \ 
ounce f 


uncia 


yndse 




§ynne [-leac] 


onion 


unio 


§ysope 


hyssop 


hyssopus 



89 



If to this list be added the words already given under the 
head of Latin of the First Period} a fairly complete collection 
of the Latin material 2 to be found in the oldest English works 
will be obtained. 



1 Some of the words contained in the list perhaps belong to this Period. 

2 Some of this Latin material may have come through a Celtic channel, 
e.g. bcedzere, sacerd. 



90 Outlines of the History of the English Language 

4. It should, however, be noted that the list in § 3 is not 
Latin- a com P^ ete nst Of all words used in oldest English 

English which contain Latin material ; in it only one 

y " s ' English form is given to illustrate borrowing from 

each Latin word. Now while in many cases this represents 
the indebtedness of English, yet in others, and these are the 
minority, derivatives were formed by the help of native material. 
Thus connected with camp we have campian to fight, campung 
fighting, cempa a warrior ; and ca7np occurs as the first element 
of words formed by combining it with the following native 
ones : dom, ealdor, gefera, gimm, had, rceden, stede, wczpen, 
werod, wig, wisa, wudu. Again, the Latin material in dictare 
is seen not only in dihtan, but also in diht order, dihtend a 
director, dihtere an expositor, dihtnere a steward, dihtnian to 
dispose, dihtnung, dihtung disposition. It will be seen, then, 
that a complete list of words which shew Latin material will be 
somewhat longer than that given in § 3. 

5. But when all allowance is made for this increase of 

The their number, it will still be found that these 

smaiiness of Latin derivatives form a very small part of the 

the Latin _ T J r 

element in Old English vocabulary ; and that not merely 
oid English. from the point of yiew of their num ber. For it 

will be noticed that a great many of the words in the list play 
a very subordinate part. Especially is this the case with words 
that are found in the glossaries, or in glosses of Latin works ; 
these are little more than Anglicised forms of Latin originals, 
and though they may shew that Englishmen read Latin, they 
can hardly be considered as having been living English words. 1 
Others, again, are suggested to a translator by his original; 
they may be so far naturalised as to be inflected as native 
words, but they are not made so thoroughly English that they 

1 For instance, the translator of Mt. xxi. 33 translates torcular by 
win-wringe; one glosser glosses it by win-trog, but another by torcul; 
this single use hardly stamps the word torcul as a living English one in the 
period under notice. See the words marked * in the list § 3. 



Chapter VI 91 

can be used in any other than their original connection. 1 
A large number, further, belong to the special class of plant- 
names, 2 a result, probably, of the connection between plants 
and medicine, as may be inferred from the contents of the 
medical works of the period. Yet another class, which natu- 
rally is of considerable extent, is that which consists of technical 
ecclesiastical terms ; 3 and though the words in this, and in the 
preceding, class were living English words, yet the ground they 
covered was a very small part of the field over which the 
vocabulary of a language must spread itself. Again, some 
of the words, which would not find a place under any of the 
heads just given, occur very rarely. 4 Thus in the case of the 
verb glesan and the verbal noun gZesung, each occurs once and 
in the same passage of ^Elfric's Grammar. In the case of other 
words, alongside the Latin forms existed native ones. Thus on 
the same page of one of ^Elfric's Homilies what in one line 
is spoken of as forca is in another called geafol; and while 
rare instances of derivatives from Latin-Greek Gramma do 
occur, yet the usual words for expressing the meanings be- 
longing to such derivatives are formed with the native material 
stcef (cf. Ger. buch-stafie) . If these points be considered in 
connection with the list in § 3, it will be seen that the greater 
part of the Latin material given in it is absorbed by a small 
part of the vocabulary, and that the Latin material which made 

1 E.g. the Latin technical terms consul, legio, cohors, used by Orosius 
in his history, are adopted in Alfred's translation with their Latin meaning, 
but they did not become English in the sense that they were used in refer- 
ence to other than Roman institutions : consul, e.g., could not be used 
with a modified sense, as in later times, and be applied to any English 
official. So Alfred says of the term : * consul, j?3et we heretoga hata> ' (we 
call a consul heretoga) ; in the same way he explains coorte by trutna (a 
troop) : the currency in English of heretoga and truma was very different 
from that of consul and coorte. 

2 See the words marked § in the list. 

3 See the words marked f in the list. 

4 See the words marked J in the list. 



92 Outlines of the History of the English Language 

its way into anything like general use was really inconsiderable. 1 
In other words, most of the work that language had to do in 
the old English times had to be done by old English material. 

6. Before leaving the list attention may be called to the 

possibility of getting from it information about 
be learned 112 changed conditions of English life in other than 
from the list religious matters. Culter and sicol may suggest 
conditions of improvement in tillage and in harvesting ; mylen a 
iand m Eng better method of dealing with the grain that was 

raised ; coc and cycene, panne and cetel point to a 
culinary advance, while cuppe, disc, and ore may be evidence of 
a more elaborate furniture for the table ; meat and drink, too, 
were more varied, as pipor and senep, must and eeren, and the 
number of fruits and vegetables which have foreign names, 
seem to witness ; and other departments of life might be simi- 
larly illustrated. And lastly, as a point concerning the lan- 
guage, it may be noted that not a little of this Latin material is 
still to be found in English. 2 

7. From what has been said in this and the preceding 

chapter it will have been seen, that the amount of 

Expansion x 7 

of the native Latin introduced into English after the accept- 
language. ance Q f Christianity is not at all an adequate 

measure of the importance of the influences, flowing from the 
new faith, which affected English thought, and consequently the 
language in which that thought found expression. The in- 
crease in the vocabulary due to such borrowing was compara- 
tively slight; it must be, then, in the extended use of old 
material that we are to look for the means by which the old 

1 As a further illustration of the really slight infusion of Latin into 
the language it may be noted how few verbs are due to Latin. Excluding 
two or three which are connected with the Church the following are 
nearly the only instances of verbs that are at all freely used : campian, 
dihtan^-nian), pinian, pinsian, plantian, spendan, lemprian, trahtian 
(-nian), turnian (tyrnan). 

2 But some modern English forms, which might seem to represent this 
old Latin material, have come from French. 



Chapter VI 93 

Englishmen, unlike the Englishmen of later times, were able to 
meet the demands that altered conditions of knowledge made 
upon language. The last case noticed in § 5 may serve to 
introduce the point. There two instances are given in which, 
though foreign material had been accepted, yet its meaning 
could also be expressed by native. The tendency which is 
thus suggested may be further illustrated by the following ex- 
amples : ALrce- can be rendered by heah- (high), 
and alongside cerce-biscop we find heah-biscop, words in Latin 
while archangel is regularly given by Keah-engeL and En £ lish - 
Alter, idol, tempel did not exclude wig-bed (weofod), (deofol-) 
gild, hearh and alh ; for an offering, lac could be used as well 
as offrung : disciple is commonly translated by leoming-cniht : 
the idea of the anchorite is expressed by an-setla (a solitary 
settler) , as well as by ancra : to preach is once given by pre- 
dician, but the usual word is the native bodian (Mod. E. to 
bode) : the daughter of Herodias is once called sealticge, but in 
the translation of the Gospels, in the passage in which her 
dancing is described (Mt. xiv. 6 : Mk. vi. 22), the Latin saltavit 
is rendered by tumbude (tumbled), while the Northumbrian 
gloss uses the verb to play : the same gloss uses the latter 
verb in Lk. vii. 32, the one instance in which the West-Saxon 
version translates saltare by saltian : for a crown English 
could use the word b'eah, a ring 1 (cf. Fr. bague), or with 
an intensive prefix wuldor (glory), wuldor-b'eah, so though 
coronian occurs, wuldor-beagian is in common use : epistol 
{ox pistol) does not exclude ozrend-gewrit (errand- writ, writing 
conveying a message) : the words connected with w'lte, pun- 
ishment, are more current than those derived from Latin 
poena : feohtan, to fight, and its relatives exist alongside 
the camp-forms : and though ^Elfric in his grammar sometimes 

1 Cf. the description of the Danish queen when she appears wearing a 
crown : 

' pa cwom Wealh>eo for'S 
gan under gyldnum beage. 1 Beowulf 1 163. 



94 Outlines of the History of the English Language 

uses words based on declinare, he also expresses the same ideas 
by help of the native Megan (to bend) . 

8. In the case of the Latin derivatives referred to in the 

preceding paragraph, it will be seen that, had the 
twe°en dtff erent language remained without them, its powers of 
stages of Eng- expression would have been little affected : native 

lish in respect • -i • i i i i • i -r i 

to the use of material might have done their work. In these 
foreign instances, however, all we can say is that assist- 

matenal. 7 ; J 

ance from Latin might have been dispensed with ; 
but with respect to the great majority of cases, in which new 
knowledge had to be put into words, we can say that such 
assistance actually was dispensed with. In taking examples to 
illustrate the point, we may begin with words belonging to 
a section of the vocabulary in which the foreign material was 
most likely to find a place — that which is connected with 
religion ; and, it may be remarked, both in these and in ail the 
other examples particular attention should be given to the 
Modern English words which translate them ; the comparison 
of Old and Modern English, so far as this is possible with 
the material in question, will give some idea of the contrast, 
already more than once referred to, which is presented by the 
two stages of the language. 

9. Considering the excellent simplicity that characterises 

the diction of the Authorised Version, no source 
from^ransia- f° r tne supplying of words connected with re- 
tions of the ligion is better suited to our purpose than the 

Scriptures. _ . _ , , . . 

translation of the Scriptures ; for the contrast m 
that case will be with the purest form of a later time. It is 
from the Bible, then, that the following words are taken, and 
the list may be appropriately headed by terms denominating 
that source, or parts of it : 

Old English Modern English 

J?a halgan gewritu the holy Scriptures 

seo ealde -, the old „, . , 

gecy>nes , Testament 

seo niwe the new 



Chapter VI 



95 



Old English 
godspel 

cneores-boc {generation book) 
ut-fsereld (out-journey) 
J?enung-boc (service-book) 
getel (number, tale) 
seo sefter-ee (second law) 



Modern English 
gospel 
Genesis 
Exodus 
Leviticus 
Numbers 
Deuteronomy 



That the doctrines of religion might be presented to 
Englishmen in their native speech is suggested by the 
following : 

se-faestnes (ee law) religion 

ge-cirrednes (cirran to turn) conversion 

ge-wyscednes (wyscan to wish) adoption 

ge-corennes (coren chosen) election 

costming (costnian to try) temptation 

a-liesednes (liesan to loosen) redemption 

daid-bot (deed deed, bot amends) repentance 

halgung (halig holy) consecration 

clsensung (cleansing) purification 

ge -halgung sanctification 

dom (doom) judgement 

hsilu (hal whole) salvation 

ge-nij^erung (nij?er down) damnation 

The virtues, which Christianity recommended, had not in 
all cases been held in high esteem by the heathen English, but 
they can find names for them : e.g. 

lufu (love) charity 

miltsung (milde mild) co?npassion 

ge-byld (>olian to thole, endure) patience 

ge-metgung (ge-met measure) temperance 

Here, however, no better illustration can be found than is 
furnished by the rendering of the passage (Mt. v. 3 — 11), 
which tells who, according to the Christian ideal, are to be 
accounted truly happy : they are described in none but English 
words : 



ba gastlican bearfan 

J?a li>an (lithe, Lat. has mites) 



the poor in spirit 
the meek 



g6 Outlines of the History of the English Language 



Old English 


Modern English 


\>a mildheortan (milde mild f heorte heart) the merciful 


J?a clsenheortan 


the pure in heart 


J?a gesibsuman (sib peace) 


the peacemakers 


J?a >e ehtnesse j?oliaJ> 


those that are persecuted 


fc>nne hi wyria> eow (wyrian to curse) 


when they revile you 


For the names of various classes, 


sects, officers, &c, that 


occur in the Bible story, English could 


provide the material : 


heah-fseder 


patriarch 


witega 


prophet 


godspellere 


evangelist 


b5cere (boc book) 


Scribe 


writere 




1 sundor-halga (halig holy) 


Pharisee 


1 rihtwisend 


Sadducee 


se-gleawa (8§ law, gleaw wise) 


lawyer 


feor>an dseles rica {ruler) 


tetrarch 


\>2l man-fullan (man iniquity) 


the publicans 


hundred-man 


centurion 


licettere (Hcettan to feign) 


hypocrite 


So, too, with terms relating to 


Jewish ceremonial or 


history : 




geteld {tent) 


tabernacle 


(earc) \>e Drihtnes wedd on ys 


{ark) of the Covenant 


onssegednes (on-secgan to sacrifice) 


sacrifice 


gebed (cf. foafcr-man) 


prayer 


ymb-snide 


circumcision 


freols 


feast 


Eastre {Easter) 


Passover 


ge-samnung (samnian to collect) 


synagogue 


gehat-land (gehat promise) 


land of promise 



And that the story of the founder of Christianity might be 
told in English may be suggested by the following words : 

Hselend Saviour 

A-Hesend Redeemer 

a-cennednes nativity 

binn manger 

1 The Latin is sometimes used: nom. Farisei, Saducei; gen. -orum. 





Chapter 


VI 


Old English 




Modern English 


smij? 




carpenter 


fulwian 




to baptize 


j?egnian 




to minister 


bodian 




to preach 


big-spell 




parable 


wundor 




miracle 


ge-, ofer-hiwian 




to transfigure 


growling (suffering) 




passion 


rod, galga 




cross 


on r5de ahon (to hang) 


to crucify 


byrgen 




sepulchre 


se-rist (risan to rise) 




resurrection 


a-stigan 




to ascend 


dema 




a judge 


for-spreca 




an advocate 



97 



10. The technical vocabulary, which belonged to the new 
ecclesiastical system, was treated in the same 

_ . , , , T1 Ecclesiasti- 

way ; a few instances may be enough to illustrate cai terms, 
the point : 

ge-hadode menn (had order, -hood) men in orders 

[biscop-] setl, -stol (seat, stool) (bishop's) see 

[biscop-] scir (shire) a diocese 

[preost-] scir parish 

westen-setla (westen desert) hermit 

gebed-hus (gebed prayer) oratory 

J>egnung service 
uht-sang (uht time before daybreak) nocturns 

dsegred-sang (daeg-red dawn) matins 

sefen-sang vespers 

waecce (watch) vigil 

husel eucharist 

J?rinnes Trinity 

But a better idea of the capacity of English to express 
ecclesiastical terms than is given by scattered instances like 
the above, is gained from the fact, that so abstruse a doctrinal 
exposition as the Athanasian Creed could be reproduced in 
English. 



98 Outlines of the History of the English Language 

11. It was, however, not only the demands of sacred 

letters or of the Church that the language had to 

Scientific meet, and met as we have tried to shew. Profane 

terms. * 

learning made its claims, and these, too, were 
satisfied by recourse to the native stock of words. In regard, 
then, to the terms of science, attention may again be called 
to the difference in the methods adopted by Old and Modern 
English to meet the needs of a new knowledge. Thus while 
the seven liberal arts, which were comprised in the course of 
study that was made up of the two divisions, the trivium and 
the quadriviuniy have now foreign names, in the earlier time 
their names were almost entirely English : 



grammar 

rhetoric 

logic 



astrology 
geometry 
arithmetic 

music 



tungol-ge {star-law) astronomy 

lsece 2 -cr3eft (leech-crafi) medicine 

orJ?anc-scipe (orj?anc skill) mechanics 

And if we turn to the terms of the arts, whose names have 
been given, they will be found to be quite in 
keeping with the titles under which they would 

1 Son is the only Latin derivative in the seven names, and in place of 
it the native swinsung, melody, is sometimes used; all the rest is English : 
stceft letter, pyle, orator, flit, dispute, tungol, star, gemet, measure, rlm 9 
rime, number, craft, art, gescead f reason. 

2 Iczce, leech, is, if used now, applied to one who treats cattle. 



the trivium 




stsef-craeft 
J>yl-cr3eft 


grammatica 
rhetorica 


flit-eraeft 


dialectica 


the quadrivium 




tungol-gescead 


astrologia 


eorj?-gemet 
rim-crseft 


geometria 
arithmetica 


so^-crseft > 
swinsung- craeft ) 


musica 


So, too, in other cases 





Chapter VI 99 

be groupedo Take, for example, the terms which occur in 
iElfric's Grammar : 

deel {deal) part (of speech) 

nama noun 

naman speliend {noun's representative) pronoun 



word 




verb 


dael-nimend {part-taker) 




participle 


fore-setnes 




preposition 


tid 




tense 


ge-met 




mood 


an-feald {one-fold) 




singular 


wij?-metenlic (metan to measure) 


comparative 


axigendlic (axian to ask) 




interrogative 


ge-wyscendlic (wyscan to 


wish) 


optative 



So in Astronomy, when a better knowledge of the pheno- 
mena of the heavens, than had belonged to the 
English of the pre-Christian times, was brought 
by those skilled in the construction of the Calendar, the techni- 
cal terms were reproduced in English form : 

efn-niht {even-night) equinox 

haerfest {harvest) autumn 

tid season, hour 

sunn-stede (stede stead) solstice 

tacn {token) sign {of the Zodiac) 

12. If English writers, when dealing with subjects in which 
the influence of Latin was naturally strongest, 
as must have been the case in ecclesiastical or otherciasses 

of words. 

scientific works, could employ a vocabulary so 
little dependent upon foreign material, as is shewn by the 
instances given above, it was not likely that they would feel 
their own language inadequate to their needs in other cases. 
And while in later times, thanks to the political conditions of 
the country, not only ecclesiastical terms, but also those con- 
nected with government and law, were largely foreign, there 
was little reason for a language, that could depend upon its 
own material to deal with the first class, to seek help from 

LofC, 



ioo Outlines of the History of the English Language 

without in dealing with the other two, when government and 
law were essentially English. And if in the special classes 
referred to native material could be used, the same material 
might very well serve the general purposes of language. 
13. And it will be noticed that these general purposes 
The method were served. The absence from the language of 
by which the Latin words, in which any new knowledge might 
words was have been expressed, does not imply the absence 
avoided. of that knowledge from the minds of the English. 

It means only that instead of naturalizing a foreigner and em- 
ploying him to do the work he had done in his old home, 
a native was trained to do the work. Or, dropping the figure, 
it means that instead of transferring a foreign word without 
other modification than such change of form as fitted it for 
grammatical treatment in English, the idea expressed by the 
word was translated into English. A few comments upon 
some of the words given above may further illustrate this 
method. In some cases the circumstances of the English 
themselves afforded so near a parallel to those which needed 
description, that an English word was almost, if not quite, 
ready to their hand. The idea, that the future might be known, 
was not strange to them, so it is not surprising that the prophet 
of the Bible should be rendered by an English word ; the same 
by which it was rendered in the O.H. German (wizago) . If 
the Jewish story told of a government by judges, the English 
dema was ready to express the Latin judex; and they were 
sufficiently familiar with an arrangement of persons by tens 
to make hundred-mann a tolerably natural equivalent oicenturio. 
In other cases a general idea, which could be expressed in 
English, had been specialised, and the same specialisation was 
applied to the native material. Verbum and tempus got special 
senses in grammar, and these special senses were given to the 
English words which had the same general sense as the Latin. 
So with technical theological terms, such as redemption and 
election; and so in yet more technical words, e.g. Pharisee 



Chapter VI 101 

or synagogue. The former was one professing holiness, who 
kept himself apart, and that idea was fairly expressed by com- 
bining the two English words sundor, apart, and halga, a holy 
man : the latter was literally, a gathering together, and this was 
expressed by ge-samnung, ge having the force of together, 
samnung = gathering. 

14. If, then, in Old English we do not find the foreign words 
that we ourselves use, it does not necessarily mean _. . 

9 J The import- 

that at the earlier time Englishmen had not a anceofthe 

knowledge of the things denoted by such words : exercised by 

perhaps, even, they discerned those things more Christianity on 

readily, and to them sundor-halga suggested more a guage ' 

than does Pharisee to some of their descendants, and dczd-bot, 

to those who knew from experience the meaning of bot, was 

somewhat more real than is repentance to some of us. Nor, 

consequently, does it mean, that the influences which, directly 

or indirectly, may be attributed to Christianity, had affected 

the language slightly. Such superficial traces as foreign words 

were, indeed, comparatively few, but it is in the extended use 

of native material that those influences are to be traced ; and 

that their effect was great will be allowed, when it is seen that 

this extended use made it possible for the language, with so 

little addition from without, to express the ideas which religion 

and learning had brought to the knowledge of its speakers. 

Later, when we have noticed the extent of the Old English 

literature, we shall be better able to realise the importance of 

the Christian influence. Meanwhile, in another chapter, we will 

turn to consider a particular case, in which that influence seems 

to have been in some respects inoperative, and to have left 

uneflaced the stamp set upon the language by earlier times. 



CHAPTER VII 

Peculiarities of the poetic diction in Old English — antiquity of poetry 
among Teutonic peoples — early specimens of Teutonic poetry — poetry 
a favourite form of entertainment — held in high esteem — Teutonic 
words connected with poetry — the survival of heathen ideals in Christian 
poetry — Old English poems, Beowulf, Battle of Brunanburgh, Battle of 
Maldon, Judith, St Andrew — the language of the poems examined — 
Christian saints described as Teutonic warriors — the old idea of the 
relations between the lord and the follower preserved — the old social 
life — the Old Saxon poetry like the Old English — recurrence of phrases 
and imagery — vocabulary of poetry distinct from that of prose — 
alliteration — loss of the poetic vocabulary. 

1. In a previous chapter 1 an attempt was made to draw 
Peculiarities some conclusions from certain terms in Old 
diction inOid English, which were peculiar to the vocabulary 
English. of poetry ; to shew that words, which had their 

birth and early life among a people who were at home on the 
sea, could yet remain in the vocabulary of poets, who no longer 
belonged to a nation of seafarers. 2 If those conclusions were 
correct, they would suggest, that the diction of poetry was to 
some extent traditional, that it could survive change in the 
modes of life and thought, which had been familiar to those 
who first used it ; and in so doing could preserve some record 
of an earlier time. How far such is the case in the poetry, 

1 See Chap. iv. §§ 4—8. 

2 If the Old English poem, which goes under the name of The Seafarer, 
expresses at all a general feeling, the sea must have been regarded very 
differently by the poet's countrymen from what it had been by the Saxons 

102 



Chapter VII 103 

whose subjects were supplied by Christianity, we will try to 
shew by giving some examples of the way in which the material 
obtained from that source was transformed by the language of 
the poet into shapes quite other than those which it had in its 
Christian moulds. As a preliminary to the attempt, however, 
it may be well to say a few words about the cultivation of 
poetry among Teutonic peoples. 

2. To the antiquity of Teutonic poetry reference has been 
already made, but the point may be noticed here Antiquity of 
a little more in detail. Such poetry was to be 5°*™"™°°* 
found certainly as early as the time of Tacitus, peoples, 
who in his Germania not only notes its existence, but also 
mentions the subjects on which it was employed : ' In their 
ancient songs, their only way of remembering or recording the 
past, they celebrate an earth-born god, Tuisco, and his son 
Mannus, as the origin of their race, as their founders.' 1 Else- 
where he gives an instance, in which the songs had been 
employed for the record of the past in respect to more recent 
events. In speaking of the invincible hero, Arminius, he says 
that he was still the subject of the songs of the barbarian 
nations : ' Arminius . . . liberator haud dubie Germaniae . . . bello 
non victus . . . canitur adhuc barbaras apud gentes.' Annals, 
bk. 11. c. %%. And that Arminius had listened to such songs 

described, Chap. iv. § 2. Such lines as the following could hardly have 
been written in the 4th century : 

For >on him gelyfeft lyt se J>e ah Hfes wynn 

gebide'S in burgum bealos!J?a hwon 

wlonc and wingal hu ic werig oft 

in brimlade bidan sceolde. 

little believeth he that hath life's delight, 

suffers in cities misfortunes few, 

elated and wine-flushed, hozv I weary oft 

on the ocean-track must bide. 

1 * Celebrant carminibus antiquis, quod unum apud illos memoriae et 
annalium genus est, Tuisconem deum terra editum, et filium Mannum, 
originem gentis conditoresque.' Germania, c. 2. 



104 Outlines of the History of the English Language 

in praise of earlier heroes, we might infer from the same 
authority. For in describing the night before one of his battles 
with the Romans it is said : ' Cum barbari festis epulis, laeto 
cantu, aut truci sonore subjecta vallium ac resultantis saltus 
complerent.' Annals i. 65. In later times and among other 
tribes the poems are seen in the same character. Jordanes (6th 
cent.), in his history of the Goths, referring to certain events 
says : ' Quemadmodum et in priscis eorum carminibus pene 
historico ritu in commune recolitur,' c. 4. Paul the Deacon 
(8th cent.), speaking of the heroic character of Alboin, king of 
the Lombards (d. 573), says he was still celebrated in songs: 
'Ut hactenus etiam tarn apud Bajoariorum gentem, quam et 
Saxonum, sed et alios ejusdem linguae homines... in eorum 
carminibus celebretur.' And it was such songs that, according 
to Eginhard in his life of Charlemagne, the monarch collected : 
' Barbara et antiquissima carmina, quibus veterum regum actus 
et bella canebantur, scripsit memoriaeque mandavit.' 

3. If from such statements about Teutonic poetry we turn 
^ , .to the earliest instances in which we can actually 

Early speci- J 

mens of Teu- see Teutonic practice, these will be found to 
tome poetry. ^ ew exact iy fa e character, that is attributed to 
those ' antiqua, prisca carmina,' of which the authors quoted 
above wrote from their own knowledge. Amongst the earliest 
Scandinavian poetry is that which deals with religion, and by a 
writer, who should have done for Scandinavians what Tacitus 
did for Germans, might have been applied to the poems of the 
Edda words very similar to those used by the Roman historian. 1 
Or turning from the myths of the gods to the history of men, 
we may see how poets 2 recorded in their verse the achievements 

1 Cf. in Beowulf: 'Her wses swutol sang scopes; ssegde se fte cufle 
frumsceaft fir a feorran reccan {there was the poefs song ; and he that could 
relate the origin remote of men told the tale). 1 

2 Snorri in the preface to his history says that part of it * er ritat eptir 
fornum kvaftum Sa sdgulj6fium y er menn hafa haft til skemtanar ser (is 
written after old poems, that men have had for their entertainment) .' 



Chapter VII 105 

of such heroes as Harold Fairhair, just as their predecessors 
in the art had done in the case of Arminius or of Alboin. In 
England, too, the old spirit had not died out in the 10th century, 
and the poems, which celebrate Athelstan's battle at Brunan- 
burgh (937) and Byrhtnoth's battle at Maldon (991), were 
links in the long chain of Teutonic poetry, that the ( smiths of 
song ' l had been working at even before the days of Arminius. 
Most of the chain is, indeed, lost ; and that so many links are 
missing is not surprising. For in the earliest times, when a 
poem depended for its perpetuation on its committal to 
memory by successive generations, 2 a long duration could be 
the lot of few ; and when, later, writing might have helped to 
secure the permanence of such as survived, not many scholars 
were found to carry into effect such an intention as that with 
which Charlemagne has been credited ; or who, like Snorri, 
having gained from the old poetry the historic matter, which, 
true to the old characteristic of Teutonic poetry, it contained, 
would give some extract from the original to shew the authority 
for a statement. 3 

4. From another side the permanence in the character- 
istics of the poetry may be illustrated. Tacitus 
speaks of the 'laetus cantus' that was heard favourife * orm 
at the feasts of Arminius' followers, and from of entertain- 
English literature we may see, that at a much 

1 Cf. Snorri, in the Ynglinga Saga, c. 6, who says that the first poets 
were called Ijdfia smifSir (smiths of songs). See below, § 5. 

2 Cf. the expression in Beowulf applied to the thane who celebrated 
Beowulf's exploit. He not only could make verses on the event, which had 
just taken place, but it is said of him that he was ' gidda gemyndig . . . eal fela 
ealdgesege7ia gemunde,' he had a memory stored with songs, and remem- 
bered many old stories. One of such old stories is specially mentioned — 
the widely spread Saga of the Walsings. See Beowulf, 86y sqq. 

3 A glance at the earlier part of the * Heimskringla ' (translated under 
the title * The Sea-kings of Norway ' by Laing, and again in ' The Saga 
Library ' by Morris and Magntisson) will shew how often the old poetry is 
appealed to and quoted by the author of that history. 



io6 Outlines of the History of the English Language 

later time poetry furnished a favourite entertainment 1 at the 
feast. One of the earliest notices of the social life of England 
we get in the life of Caedmon, the first English poet whose 
name we know, and from it we may learn what poetry was for 
the English. Bede, who tells Caedmon's story, says of him : 
6 Having lived in a secular habit till he was well advanced in 
years, he had never learned anything of versifying ; for which 
reason being sometimes at entertainments ; when it was agreed 
for the sake of mirth that all present should sing in their turns, 
when he saw the harp come towards him, he rose up from 
the table and returned home.' 2 Or turning to the poem of 
Beowulf we may see, that an amusement, which pleased those 
who sat with Caedmon in the abbey at Whitby, pleased equally 
in the courts of kings ; and at the feasts in king Hrothgar's 
palace were heard 'hearpan sweg . . . sang scopes ' {sound of harp 
and song of 'poet) , v. %()? 

5. Further the esteem in which poetry was held is marked 

alike by the source to which legend assigned it, 
inhilhTstlem. an d by the character of those who practised the 

art. It was, according to Scandinavian myth, 
from Odin that poetry in the North had its origin : ' In 

1 Cf. the second note to the last paragraph. 

2 ' In habitu saeculari usque ad tempora provectioris aetatis constitutus 
nil carminum aliquando didicerat. Unde nonnunquam in convivio, cum 
esset laetitiae causa ut omnes per ordinem cantare deberent, ille ubi ad 
propinquare sibi citharam cernebat, surgebat a media coena et egressus ad 
suam domum repedabat.' Bede Hist. iv. 24. It was after one such occasion 
that Caedmon's poetical gifts were discovered. 

3 Cf. too, the following passages having reference to feasting : 

Scop hwilum sang 

hador on Heorote. 

the poet at times sang 

clear in Heorot (the name of the palace). 497 

Hwilum cyninges hegn 



wel hwylc gecwseft 



Chapter VII 107 

measures did he speak all things, even as that is now said 
which is called Skald- craft. He and his temple -priests are 
called Lay-smiths (lj6cta smidir; cf. German lied: O. English 
leofi), for that skill began through them in the Northlands.' T 
And the poetic vocabulary of the North preserved the legend 
in many of its phrases. 2 It seems only the same feeling in 
another form, that caused men to ascribe to miraculous agency 
the poetic gift in Csedmon, which had been so late in disclos- 
ing itself. Bede (in the chapter referred to in the preceding 
paragraph) tells how the poet's first verses were made in a 
dream, and that ' in the morning he came to the steward, his 
superior, and having acquainted him with the gift he had 
received, was conducted to the abbess, by whom he was 
ordered, in the presence of many learned men, to tell his dream, 
and repeat the verses, that they might all give their judgment 
what it was, and whence his verse proceeded. They all 
concluded that heavenly grace had been conferred on him 
by our Lord/ And though the treasure might sometimes be 

J?aet he fram Sigemundes secgan hyrde 
ellendaidum. 

At times a king's thane 



all told 
that he of Sigemundes valorous deeds 

had heard say. 876 

J?ser wses sang and sweg samod setgaedere, 
gomenwudu greted, gid oft wrecen, 
J?onne healgamen Hroftgares scop 
aefter medobence msenan scolde. 

there was song and music joined together, 

the harp struck, the lay oft recited, 

when the hall-mirth (song) Hrothgar^s poet 

along the mead bench had to declare. 1067 

Many illustrations also might be given from Scandinavian literature. 

1 Heimskringla, in the Saga Library, 1. 1 7. 

2 See Vigfusson's Corpus Poeticum Boreale, II. 462. 



108 Outlines of the History of the English Language 

placed in earthen vessels, as in the case of the inspired herds- 
man of Whitby, yet the title of poet gave distinction to the 
noblest : it was ' cyninges pegn ' (a king's thane) who celebrated 
the exploit of Beowulf, and the poets of Harold Fairhair were 
among the bravest and most trusted of his followers. 

6. From yet another quarter the position of poetry in the 

early times might be illustrated — from language. 
words con- The words connected with it are many, and 
nected with some of them are widely spread among Teutonic 

dialects. For example 

O. English O. Saxon O.H. Ger. Icelandic Gothic 

singan to sing singan singan syngva siggwan 1 

sang a song sang sang songr saggws 

leo)> 2 a lay, song leod (lied) lj6$ 

leo]?ian to sing, recite liudon canere liuj?5n 

galan 2 to sing galan gala to sing, chant 

gleo 2 glee, music gly gladness 

gleowian 2 to sing, play glyja to be gleeful 
gidd 2 a song 
giddian 2 to sing 

scop a poet scof 

skald a poet 

1 In Gothic the verb is also used of reading aloud, e.g. of reading in the 
synagogue. In Luke iv. 16 the Gothic version has 'ussto}> siggzvan bokos' — 
surrexit legere. 

2 The words will be better understood by seeing instances of their use, 
so one or two passages are here given : 

Leo/? wges dsungen 

Gleomannes gyd. Beowulf 1160 

Leo/? and gyd are used here of the poem, dealing with incidents of Frisian 
history, which had just been recited. 

In the translation of Boethius, the metrical portions are translated into 
prose, but are introduced by such expressions as : * Da ongan wisdom 
gltowian and giddode, ecte J>aet spell {the prose) mid leo/e? Verse 
renderings were also made, in which the same introductory office is done 
by such lines as : 

Da ongon wisdom his gewunan fylgan, 

gliowordum gol (p. of galan) gyd set spelle. Met. 7. 2. 



Chapter VII 109 

Many derivatives and compounds might be added, in which 
this material is found, and they would still further illustrate 
the point in question. 1 

7. From what has been said, it will appear, that with the 
English and other Teutonic peoples poetry was 
a thoroughly native product, and had existed heathen ideals 
among them long before they adopted Chris- in Christian 
tianity. One of its main themes had been war, 
its heroes were warriors, the leader who was brave and liberal, 
and the follower who was brave and loyal to the death ; its 
vocabulary was full of terms that described such subjects. But 
the English were converted to a religion, whose founder declared 
that the peacemakers were blessed, and that those who used 
the sword should perish by the sword ; who enjoined that men 
should love their enemies, and that if they were smitten on the 
one cheek, they should turn the other also, a religion which 
presented an ideal quite opposed to the feelings of the earlier 
time. With saints and apostles for his heroes the poet might 
seem to have had little use for much of the old vocabulary, and 
it might have been expected to disappear from the Christian 
poetry as completely, as in later times it did from every kind of 
poetic literature. But the old ideals were so firmly fixed, that 
not only did Christianity leave them unshaken in their old 
domain, the secular poetry, but it even allowed them to 
penetrate the religious literature ; and the hero of Bible story 
or of church legend was described in the same terms as had 
been used to describe the Teutonic warrior. As, in attempting 
to illustrate this point, it will be necessary to refer to some of 

1 It may be noted, as yet another illustration, that in the Old English 
translation of Bede's Latin account of Ccedmon the terms connected with 
poetry are, with one exception, native words. Carmen is rendered by leo/?, 
leofi-song, and song ; poema by leop ; cantare and canere by singan ; ars 
canendi by leop-craft and so7ig-craft ; verba poetica by scop-gereord; carminis 
modulatio by leofi-songes swinsung. The rendering of versus hy fers is the 
one exception. 



no Outlines of the History of the English Language 

the Old English poems, it will be well to say a few words about 
them to suggest their character. 

8. The most important of them is Beowulf. From a brief 
summary of its contents it will be seen that its 

Some old , . . , , r „,. . . 

English subject-matter is so independent of Christianity, 

^Be^uif t ' iat ** ma y ^ e ta ^ en as a f au ~ representative of 

the old native poetry. In its first canto the 
poem tells how the Danish king, Hrothgar, causes a splendid 
palace to be built, to which is given the name Heorot. This 
is soon made a scene of slaughter, in consequence of the 
attacks of a fiendish being called Grendel, who carries off at 
one time no less than thirty of the king's thanes for the 
purpose of devouring them in his retreat. For twelve years 
these attacks are carried on, when a report of them at last 
reaches the ears of Beowulf, a nephew of Hygelac, king of the 
opposite territory of West Gothland. He determines to destroy 
the monster ; and, accordingly, with a small retinue he crosses 
to the Danish coast, where the announcement of his purpose 
ensures his welcome. He and his companions, after feasting 
with the king, are left to rest in charge of the hall. Here they 
are visited by Grendel, who, after devouring one of the sleepers, 
is attacked by Beowulf and defeated, but escapes with the loss 
of an arm to his dwelling in the fens. The victory is followed by 
feasting, and the victor is rewarded with rich presents. But the 
following night the hall is the scene of a fresh attack. Grendel's 
mother, eager to avenge her son, enters it, but is obliged to 
fly, taking, however, with her a counsellor and friend of the 
king. Beowulf is summoned to assist against this new danger, 
and undertakes to seek and to destroy the enemy in her home. 
He reaches the dreary lake which she inhabits, plunges into it, 
and after a long descent, reaches the bottom. Here a successful 
encounter takes place, after which Beowulf returns to the king, 
relates his exploit, and not long after embarks, laden with gifts, 
for his own country. On the death of Hygelac, Beowulf ascends 
the throne, and finds himself soon called upon to face new 



Chapter VII in 

difficulties. The country is troubled by a firedrake, which 
guards a treasure hidden in a hill : the royal palace is de- 
stroyed, and Beowulf sets out to do battle with the dragon. 
In the fight he is wounded, but by the help of one of his 
followers his antagonist is destroyed : the wound, however, is 
mortal ; he lives long enough to give directions for his funeral 
mound and then expires. 

Equally independent of Christianity, as regards their 
subjects, are two poems, recording events in 
English history. One is given in the Anglo- Brunanfur h 
Saxon Chronicle under the year 937, and cele- 
brates the battle of Brunanburgh, in which Athelstan gained 
a victory over a united force of Danes, Welsh, and Scotch ; the 
other commemorates a less successful encounter at Maldon in 
991, when Byrhtnoth died fighting the Danes. 
A band of these had sailed up the Blackwater to ^Ifdot 
Maldon, where they were met by Byrhtnoth. He 
contemptuously rejected their suggestion that he should pur- 
chase peace, and with disastrous courage allowed them to land 
unmolested. After desperate fighting he fell, upon which some 
of his followers fled, but the others declared their determination 
to fulfil their duty to the dead lord, and carried out that deter- 
mination. 

The next poem to be noticed is the fragment on Judith. 
Here, as the subject is from the Apocrypha, the 
origin of the poem is in a sense dependent upon 
Christianity. But the scenes of the poem — Holofernes feast, 
his death at Judith's hands, the defeat of the followers after 
the death of their lord — might easily be treated as though the 
actors in them were the poet's kinsfolk. 

For all the poems that have been described so far, the old 
poetic vocabulary was quite appropriate. But in 
the last one to be spoken of the case is other- 
wise. The poem, whose hero is St Andrew, tells how he was 
divinely summoned to sail from Achaia to Mermedonia, where 



112 Outlines of the History of the English Language 

St Matthew was in the hands of the heathens ; how he fell into 
the captivity from which his brother apostle had been saved by 
his means ; how he suffered martyrdom ; and how in the end, 
having effected the conversion of his persecutors, he returned. 
In this poem the characters are so different from those which 
appear in the others, that by a comparison of the language 
used in the former with that used in the latter, the point 
referred to at the end of § 7 may be illustrated. 

9. In the poem whose hero is St Andrew the key-note is 

struck at the outset, and that it is the same note 

guage of the as that heard in the poem whose hero is Beowulf 

poems ex- w j^ appear, if the opening lines of the two 

amined. , , , , . , i T 

Christian poems be placed alongside one another. In the 
scribeofas former the poet recalls the fame of the apostles, 

Teutonic as the poet of the latter does that of the warrior- 

kings of the Danes : 

Hwset ! 1 we gefrunan 1 on fyrndagum 
twelfe under tunglum iireadige heeled 
peodnes pegnas no hira prym alseg 
camj>v§dderme /£onne cumbol hneotan 



1 The somewhat stereotyped character of poetic formulae may be 
illustrated by comparing the phrases here given with those used at the 
beginning of other poems: 

Hwcet ! we feor and neah gefrigen habbaft. Exodus. 
Gefrcegn ic Hebreos eadge lifgean. Daniel. 
Hwcet! me frod wita on fyrndagum 

ssegde. Poem in the Exeter Book. 

Hsebbe ic gefrugnen, }?aette Phenix. 

Hwcet! ic >ysne sang fand. Poem on the Apostles. 

Hwcet ! we }>3et hyrdon Juliana. 

Hwcet ! ic swefna cyst secgan wylle. Poem on the Cross. 
Hwcet! ic flitan gefrcegn on fyrndagum. 

Dialogue of Solomon and Saturn. 

Gefrignan, the verb often used in the above, means to learn by asking. 
The exclamatory hwcet (what) seems to suggest the address of a reciter to 
his hearers. 



Chapter VII 113 

J>set wseron msere men ofer eorftan 
frome folctogan and fyrdhwate 
rofe rincas ponne rond ond hond 

on herefelda helm ealgodon 
on meotudwange. St And. I — II. 

Ah ! we have heard in days of old 
of twelve glorious heroes beneath the stars, 
a princess thanes : their glory failed not 
in warfare, when ensigns crashed 

they were famous men upon earth, 

stout leaders and brave, 

mighty warriors, when shield and hand, 

on the battle field, guarded the helm 

on the plain of fate, 

Hwset ! 1 we Gar-Dena in geardagum 

J?eodcyninga >rym gefrunon 1 

hu J>a seftelingas ellen fremedon. Beo. I — 3. 

Ah! we of the Danes' 1 kings in days of yore 

the glory have heard, 

how these royal princes valour displayed. 

In the first passage nothing is said of those whom it cele- 
brates, that might not be the fitting praise of the warriors to 
whom the second refers ; and if its phraseology be taken in 
detail, it will be seen that nothing is said, which is not actually 
applied to such warriors. Tir is a poetical word meaning 
glory ; eadig = happy, blessed ; fir-eadig = glorious ; hcekdis a 
poetical term for a man. The epithet finds its proper applica- 
tion, when used of king Hygelac, who is called tir-ladig man 
(Beo. 2189). The apostles are ' thanes of a prince ' ; it is the 
same phrase that describes Beowulf's followers, who attended 
him on his expedition against Grendel's mother (Beo. 1627). 
The glory (/>ry?n) which is mentioned in each passage is the 
glory gained on the battle-field ; such as Athelstan gained at 
Brunanburgh when his foes 

hlihhan ne J>orfton 

J?set hi beaduweorca beteran wurdon 

on campstede cumbolgehndstes. 49. 
I 



114 Outlines of the History of the English Language 

had no need to laugh, 
because they in works of war better had proved 
on the battle-field of the ensigns' crash. 

The apostles zxzfolc-togan, folk-leaders \ so are the warriors 
of the Danes, who came to the palace after Grendel's defeat : 

J>a waes on morgen mine gefrssge 

ymb )>a gifhealle gu&rinc monig 

ferdon folctogan feorran nean. 839. 

then was at morn, as I have heard, 

about the gift-hall many a warrior, 

came the folk's leaders from far and near. 

So are the leaders of the Assyrians, who were with Holofernes, 
and Judith bids her countrymen 

fyllan folctogan. . . fsege frumgaras. 194. 

to fell the folk's leaders... fey chieftains. 

The term fyrd was familiar to the English as applied to the 
military service which was obligatory on all ; the brave man 
would be eager to take his part in such service, and fyrd-hwcet 
{hwczt keen, bold) was a fit epithet for the warrior. So of 
Beowulf's followers it is said : 

to sele comon 
frome fyrdhwate feowertyne 
Geata gongan; gumdrihten mid 
modig on gemonge meodowongas traed. 1 643. 

to the hall came 
stout and brave fourteen 
of the Geats walking ; their lord with them, 
proud in their midst, the 7nead-plains trode. 

The next epithet in the passage, rof is used of Beowulf 
himself, who is thus addressed by his one faithful follower, 
when about to attack the firedrake : 

scealt nii, dsedum rof 
seeding anhydig ealle msegene 
feorh ealgian. 2668. 

shall thou, stout of deeds, 
resolute prince, with all thy might 
thy life protect. 



Chapter VII 1 15 

The phrase which gives the descriptive touch of the battle, 
' the hand and shield' * guarding the helm, may be compared 
with king Hrothgar's words ■ siftftan ic hond and rond hebban 
mihte,' i.e. since I could bear arms, Beo. 656. And the battle- 
field is tneotud-wang, the field of fate ; for meotud, which comes 
later to be applied to the Deity, seems to have the meaning at 
an earlier time of fate ; so Beowulf says : 

ealle wyrd forsweop 
mine magas to metodsceafte. 2815. 

The hero of the poem is represented after a fashion, which 
the opening lines might lead us to expect. He receives the 
divine command to proceed to Mermedonia, for the purpose 
of freeing St Matthew from his captivity in that country, and 
the command is thus expressed : 

)?u scealt . . . j?In feorh beran 

in gramra gripe, >Jer J?e 2 gu$gewinn 

)>urh hEeSenra 2 hildewoman 

beorna 2 beaducraeft geboden wyr^eft. 

thou shalt . . . thy life bear 

into the grip of cruel foes, there to thee battle 

by the heathens' onslaught, 

by the war-craft of wa7'riors, shall be offered. 

The apostle on whose behalf the saint is to make this 
journey is said to be beadu-rof, 2, stout in war; while to the 
saint are applied a number of terms indicative of his prowess. 
He is nalas hild-lata, gearo gude, not slow to battle, ready for 
war, 233 ; beorn beaduwe heard, a warrior hardy in battle, 984 ; 

1 hand and rond occurs again in v. 412. 

2 Gw5, hi Id, beadu are words, used in poetry only, meaning war, battle. 
The first two are found in Icelandic in a personal sense, as names of two of 
the Valkyrjar, Gunnr and Hildr. Something of this personal sense may 
perhaps be traced in such expressions as ' Gif mec hildriYme,' Beo. 452, and 
1 Gufi nimeft,' Beo. 2536. 

3 The same epithet is applied to Beowulf; his funeral monument is 
called beadurofes beat, Beo. 3 161. 



1 1 6 Outlines of the History of the English Language 

eadtg Y oretta (463) anra>d 1 oretta (985), a blessed, resolute 
champion ; cempa collenferftS, a warrior bold, 538 ; hcele hilde- 
deor? a hero brave, 1004 ; wigendra hleo? the warriors' shelter, 
506. He describes himself and his companions as Christ's 
i fiegnas, gecoren to cempum ' thanes, chosen as warriors, 323, 
and the latter are called by him geonge gudrincas, young men 
of war, 392. Elsewhere they are spoken of as beadurofe? 850 ; 
and to the apostles he applies the term orettmcecgas, warriors/ 
664. His martyrdom is thus foretold : 

Nu J>u, Andreas, scealt edre geneftan 

in gramra gripe; is fte guft weotod 

heardum heoruswengum. 6 954. 

now thou, Andrew, shalt at once venture 

into the cruel ones' grip ; war is allotted thee 

with stem sword-strokes. 

but he is comforted, and told not to flinch from 

grim gar-gewinn. 7 960. grim spear-strife, 

1 Cf. Aras >a be ronde rof oretta (Beowulf) 

heard under helme. Beo. 2538. 

2 Cf. J?a com ingan ealdor >egna, 

deedcene mon, dome gewur>ad 
hcele hildedeor. Beo. 1644. 
It is Beowulf who is referred to. 
3 Cf. IcJ>e..., 

brego Beorhtdena, biddan wille, 
eodor Scyldinga, anre bene 

wigendra hleo. Beo. 429. 

Elsewhere the Danish king is called eorla hleo (1035); Byrhtnoth is called 
hcele pa hleo, B. of Maldon, v. 74. 
4 V. note 3 on previous page. 

6 To Beowulf and his followers is applied the same term : 
>a J>ser wlonc haeleft 
oretmacgas setter aeftelum fraegn. Beo. 332. 

6 Grendel suffers heorusweng heardne, Beo. 1590. 

7 When the Jews are pursuing the Assyrians it is said : 

)>egnas on ba tid }>earle gelyste 
gdr-gewinnes. Jud. 308. 



Chapter VII 117 

In the terms used when speaking of the Deity the same 
feeling may be traced. God and Christ are spoken of as helm 
czffeltnga, 1 helm or protector of princes, 277, 655. God is sige- 
dryhten, 2 victory-lord, which is the title given to king Hrothgar 
by the Danish coast-guard : — Sigedryhten min, aldor East- 
Dena, Beo. 391; peoda baldor? chief of nations, 547; Izfes 
brytta? dispenser of life, 823; haleda wuldor, glory of heroes, 
1465 ; foeoda rceswa, 5 counsellor of nations. Christ is cedeling, an 
atheling, a prince of the blood royal (cf. Edgar Atheling) ; 
burh-weard, the guardian of the city ; sigora weard 2 the guar- 
dian of victories. And the devil, when reviling Christ, is made 

to say 

>one Erodes ealdre besnyftede 
forcom aet campe cyning Iudea 
rices bereedde. 1328. 

him Herod cut off from life, 

undid at battle, the king of the jfews 9 

of rule bereft. 

10. The transformation which foreign material underwent 
before it found expression in the native verse is 

The old idea 

further illustrated by the poet's conception of of the relations 
the relation between St Andrew and his disciples, {j^^ad the 
In the poetry which dealt with native subjects follower pre- 
the ideal that is seen in the Germany of Tacitus 
might still be traced — the liberal lord and the loyal follower. 

1 So Beowulf is called helm lidmanna, seamen's helm, Beo. 1623, and 
kings of Danes and Goths are helm Scyldinga (456) and helm Wedra (2462) 
respectively. 

2 Cf. the legend of Odin : ■ Odin was a great warrior, . . . and so victorious 
was he, . . . that his men trowed of him that he should of his own nature ever 
have the victory in every battle.' Heimskringla, in the Saga Library, 
1. 12. 

3 Holofernes is called gumena baldor, chief of men, Jud. 9. King 
Hreftel is sinca baldor, lord over treasures, Beo. 2428. 

4 Holofernes is sinces brytta, dispenser of treasure, Jud. 30. 
6 The Assyrian nobles are folces rseswan, Jud. II. 



Ii8 Outlines of the History of the English Language 

King Athelstan is beorna ^Ueahgifa, a ring-giver of men; king 
Hrothgar is sinces brytta, a dispenser of treasure, and impresses 
upon Beowulf the need for liberality in a chief, by giving an 
instance of the disastrous results that followed from a lack of 
that virtue; 2 Byrhtnoth is sinc-gifa, a treasure-giver; and in 
the case of Holofernes the like terms are found ; he is sinces 
brytta, gold-gifa, gold-wine gumena (wine, a friend) . And it is 
the spirit of the old time, that held it lasting infamy to survive 
the lord who had fallen in battle, that animates Byrhtwold, the 
follower of Byrhtnoth, when he says after the latter's death 

fram ic ne wille 
ac ic me be healfe minum hlaforde 
be swa leofan men licgan J?ence< 

away I will not, 
but I beside my lord, 
by the man I loved so, mean to lie* 

And his comrades, as other passages from the poem would 
shew, were of like mind. The same feeling appears in Wiglaf 's 
scorn of Beowulf's followers, who failed their chief in his time 
of need. 8 

If now we turn to the Christian poem, we shall find that 
the poet makes his characters speak as if they were fellow- 
countrymen of Byrhtwold or of Wiglaf; in the following passage 

1 Beak, a ring, kept in French bague, is used of a bracelet, necklet, or 
crown, as well as of a ring for the hand. Gifts often took such forms, 
hence the epithet. For instance, in Egil's Saga it is said that after a battle, 
in which Egil had fought among Athelstan's troops, the king gave him a 
ring from his own hand. Egil's Saga, c. 55. 

2 Hrothgar quotes the case of one who suffered because 

nallas beagas geaf he gave not rings 

Denum Defter dome. 1720. to the Danes in due measure — 

and gives this advice to Beowulf 

J?u J?e lser be J?on teach thyself by this; 

gumcyste ongit. 1723. understand liberality. 

That Beowulf followed the advice is seen later on, when his liberality is 
spoken of in v. 2865. 

3 See Beowulf, 2864 sqq. 



Chapter VII 119 

we have the language of Teuton warriors, not of eastern 
Christians. When it is proposed to St Andrew's disciples 
that they shall wait by the ship, while their master goes 
alone on his dangerous mission, 

edre >a eorlas age fan ondsware, 

J?egnas J?rohthearde . . . 

i Hwider hweorfab we hlafordlease, 1 

geomormode, gode orfeorme, 

synnum wunde, gif we swica)? be? 

we blob lafte on landa gehwam, 

folcum fracofte, j?onne fira beam, 

ellenrofe, seht besittab, 

hwylc hira selast symle gelgeste 

hlaforde set hilde, bonne hand and rond 

on beaduwange, billum forgrunden, 

aet niftplegan nearu browedon.' 2 401 — 414. 

straightway the men returned answer, 

resolute thanes.,, 

■ Whither shall we turn lordless, 

sad of soul, lacking all good, 

sin-stained, if we fail thee ? 

we shall be hateful in every land, 

to all peoples infamous, when the sons of men, 

valorous, sit discussing 

which of the?n best ever followed 

lord in war, when hand and shield, 

on the war-plain, smitten with swords, 

at the fell play suffered straits? 

1 Cf. the words of Leofsunu, a follower of Byrhtnoth : 

Ne Jmrfon me on Sturmere stedefseste haele'S 
wordum aetwitan nu mln wine gecranc 
J>32t ic hldfordleas ham sPSie. 249. 

2 The passage here quoted will serve well to shew how thoroughly 
foreign material was converted into native in poetry, if the poetical and 
prose renderings of the legend at this point are compared. The former 
has been given, the latter runs simply thus, a mere translation : ' Gif we 
gewitaj? fram J?e, bonne beo we fremde eallum j?am godum \>e \>u us 
gegearwodest; ac we beoft mid \>e swa hwser swa J?u fserest* (if we depart 
from thee, then shall we be strangers to all the good that thou hast prepared 
for us ; but we will be with thee wheresoever thou go est) . 



120 Outlines of the History of the English Language 

11. And Teutonic life in other scenes than those con- 
nected with war was by like transformation 

solil! i°ifi reflected in the poetry. The follower who fought 

with his lord in the field feasted with him in the 

hall, and received of his treasure. When St Andrew is ready 

to depart from Mermedonia it is said 

J?set he J?a goldburg ofgifan wolde 
secga seledream and sincgestreon 
beorht beagselu. 1659. 

that he the city stored with gold would give up, 
men's glad life in the hall and the gathered treasure, 
the bright hall where rings were dealt forth. 

It is the language of the Beowulf, and it is Teutons that 
the Saint is leaving. Heorot, the palace of the Danish king, 
was ' beahsele beorhta,' 1177 ; it was there that Grendel 

dogora gehwam dream gehyrde 
hludne in healle, \>25i wses hearpan sweg, 
swutol sang scopes. 88. 

each day he heard joyous life 

loud in hall ; there was sound of harp, 

clear song of poet. 

And again, 

scop hwilum sang 
hador on Heorote : )?ger wses hselefta dream. 497. 

And of another hall less fortunate, it is said 
seledream gesah (sank). 2252. 

It was in Heorot that Queen Waltheow said to Beowulf 

Ic }>e an tela / thee grant much 

sincgestreona. 1226. of gathered treasures. 

From the poet's language it might seem that the Saint was 
another Beowulf, who, with a train of loyal followers, had done 
deeds of warlike prowess, had shared the joyous life of another 
Heorot, had earned the gifts that were distributed in l gold- 
burg ' and ' beag-sele ' as the reward of heroic bravery, and 



Chapter VII 121 

having done the appointed task, had left the scene of his glory 
to return to his native land. 

12. In an earlier chapter 1 the permanence of the poetic 
vocabulary in the case of sea-faring terms was 
illustrated by a reference to the poetic vocabulary poetry like old 
of a kindred dialect— the Old Saxon. Like illus- English ' 
tration may be got for some of the material noticed above 
by again referring to the same dialect. Thus the epithet eorla 
dryhten, lord of earls, which in the English poems that have 
been quoted is given to Athelstan, to Hrothgar, and to Holo- 
fernes, is in the Heliand applied to Christ ; 2 sige-dryhten, as we 
have seen, was used of the Deity and of an earthly king ; the 
corresponding Old Saxon sigi-drohtin z is used of God. With 
the title burh-weard, which the English poet gave to Christ, 
may be compared the description of Solomon by the Old 
Saxon, when he has to render ' Solomon in all his glory ' : 

the burges ward, 
Salomon the kuning, the habda sink mikil, 
meftom-hordas mest thero the enig man ehti, 
welono gewunnan endi allaro giwadeo kust. 1679. 

the city's ward, 
king Solomon, who had much treasure, 
most of precious hoard, more of wealth 
than any man, and choicest garments, 

1 P- 57. 

2 The residence in the wilderness which preceded the temptation is 

thus described : 

was im thar an thero enodi erlo drohtin 
langa hwila. 1028. 
was there in the desert the earls* lord 
long while. 

3 Christ, speaking of prayer, is made to say : 

Than gi willean te iuwomo herron helpono biddean 
that iu sigi-drohtui sundeono tomea. 1577. 
when ye will of your lord ask help, 
that the victory-lord from sins free you. 



122 Outlines of the History of the English Language 

And the same conception of Christ as is suggested by the 
English form is found in the line ' Krist, liof liudio ward? 
Christ, dear guardian of men, 984. 

Beowulf had chosen a band of followers for his expedition : 

Hsefde se goda Geata leoda 
cempan gecorene. Beo. 205. 
had the good prince of the Geats 
champions chosen — 

and such he addresses as c sw^se gesidas,' dear comrades. So 
Christ ( samnoda guffics? 1204, and about him were 

sulike gisidos so he im selbo gikos. 1280. 

such comrades as he himself chose. 

The twelve disciples are his ' comitatus/ he their e princeps/ 
as it might have been among the Germans of Tacitus : 

He im selbo gikos 
twelibi gitalda treuhafta man 

thea drohtin welda 

an is gisiftskipea simblon hebbean. 1524. 

He himself chose 
true men twelve in nmnber 
that the lord would 
in his company ever have. 

For the loyal follower, Wiglaf, Beowulf is man-dryhten} the 
lord whose man he was ; and Matthew's acceptance of Christ's 
call is thus described : 

He war^ im uses drohtines man, 
kos im the kuninges thegan Krist te herron, 
milderan medgebon, than er is man-drohtin 
wari an thesero weroldi. 1201. 

He became our lord's man, 
the king's thane chose Christ as his chief 
a more liberal giver of treasure, than before his 
worldly lord had been. 

Geseah (Wiglaf) his mondryhten (Beowulf) 
under heregnman hset )?rowian. 2605. 
Beowulf speaks of king Hygelac as * mm mondrihten? 436. 



Chapter VII 123 

And just as the English poet, when speaking of English life 
in Byrhtnoth's home, says 

>onne we on bence beot ahofon, 
hceleft on healle. Byrht. 214. 

when we on the bench made our boast, 
heroes in hall — 

so the Old Saxon, when he has to represent a household scene, 
suggested by Matt. v. 15, says 

man lioht hoho skal 
an seli settean, that thea gesehan mugin 
alia giliko, thea thar inna sind, 
he US os in ha lie. 1409. 

the light on high must 
in hall be placed, that they may see 
all alike, that are therein, 
heroes in hall. 

13. In the passages that have been quoted the language 
of poetry has been considered chiefly with refer- 
ence to its tendency to maintain the form given of phrases and 
to it in earlier times, and so to preserve traces ima s er y in the 

poetry. 

of the old ideals. The traditional character of 
the poetical vocabulary, which thus seems to be shewn, may 
receive further illustration, if the recurrence of phrases and 
imagery be noted. The riming formula rand and hand, of 
which examples are given above, is not uncommon ; the 
alliterative epithet of the sword brad and b rune eg occurs in the 
Beqwulf and in the poem on the battle of Maldon ; 1 the same 
simile for a ship is used in the Beowulf and in the Legend of 
St Andrew ; 2 and, as will be seen in the following passages, the 

1 Heo hyre seax geteah 
brad brunecg. Beo. 1546. 

J>a ByrhtnSft brsed bill of scefte 
brad and brunecg. B. of Maid. 163. 

2 P- 57- 



124 Outlines of the History of the English Language 

same imagery is employed in different poems to heighten the 
effect of the description of the battle-field : 

Dynedon scildas, 
hlude hlummon: J?ses se hlanca gefeah 
wulf in walde, and se wanna hrefn, 
waelgifre fugel; wiston begen 
)>set him J?a beodguman Ronton tiliam 
fylle on fsegum; ac him fleah on last 
earn cetes georn urigfeftera 
salowigpada sang hildeleo'5 
hyrnednebba. Judith 204 — 212. 

clashed shields, 
loudly sounded ; at which the lank wolf 
was glad in the wold, and the dark raven, 
slaughter-greedy bird ; both knew 
that for them the leaders meant to provide 
plenty among the doomed ; and in their track flew 
the eagle eager for food, dewy- feathered, 
sallow-coated, sang a war -song 
the horny-beaked one, 

Cyning and aefteling cyftfte sohton 

leton him behindan hra bryttian 

salowigpddan and j?one sweartan hrefn 

hyrnednebban and J?one hasupadan 

earn aeftan hwit ceses brucan 

grsedigne gufthafoc and \>zet graege deor 

wulf on wealde. Battle of Brunanburgh, 58 — 65. 

king and prince sought their home, 
left behind them dispensing the corses 
the black raven with its sallow coat, 
horny of beak, and the dusky-coated 
eagle with tail white-tipped eating carrion, 
greedy warhawk ; and that grey beast 
the wolf in the wold. 

}>a wearft hream ahafen hremmas wundon 
earn izses georn. Battle of Maldon, 106 — 7. 

then was a cry raised, ravens wheeled round, 
the eagle eager for carrion. 



Chapter VII 125 

14. As may be supposed, in vocabulary and in diction the 
poetry is quite distinct from the prose. In the 
former are found words which are never used in i ar y of poetry 
the latter. Of such the material in this Chapter *} stinc } from 

L that of prose. 

will afford illustration. For man or warrior we 
have hcelep, rinc, beorn, oretta ; for a chief baldor, brego, eodor, 
folc-toga, fieod-guma, gum-drihten, man-drihten, beah-gifa, gold- 
gifa, sinc-gifa ; the epithets applied to such are rof, fir-eadig, 
fierd-hwcet, beadu-rof nallas hild-lata, hilde-deor,dold- erne, pro ht- 
heard, e lien- rof ; for war or battle we have beadu, hild, gup, gar- 
gewinn, cumbol-gehnast, nip-plega, cesc-plega ; the battle-field is 
here-feld, meotud-wang; the glory gained on it is fir ; the bird 
of prey that hovers over it is gup-hafoc. Beside the single term 
in prose, sweord, the poetry can use bill, niece, and heoru; gar, 
a spear, is poetical, while spere can be used in poetry and in 
prose ; cumbol and rand in like manner are poetical, while 
words of corresponding meaning segn and scild are common. 
Sine, again, is poetical while hord (hoard) is used in prose; 
and gif-heall is the poetical compound which is applied to the 
hall where gifts were distributed by the chief. 

These few examples, with the addition of the words given 
in Chap, iv., may serve to suggest that it was a vocabulary 1 
which contained not a few practical synonyms and abounded 
in epithets that denoted comparatively slight variations on 
one theme. It was a vocabulary which made it possible for 
the Old English poetry to present an idea, that would find 
simple expression in prose, in an amplified form, by the 

1 A few instances of words connected with war, which do not occur in 
the passages quoted, may be added, to shew that the types seen in the sea- 
terms are equally current in other cases. Thus the warrior is denominated 
from the weapon he carries, e.g. cesc-berend {esse a spear), gar-berend, 
kelm-berendf sweord-berend ; arrows are hilde-ncedran, war-adders; battle 
is gdr-mitting and szveo?'da geldc, swords' play. For similar, but more 
elaborate forms in Scandinavian poetry, see Vigfusson and Powell's Corpus 
Poeticum Boreale, II. 447 sqq. 



126 Outlines of the History of the English Language 

gathering together of such synonyms and epithets. The con- 
trast between the verse and prose renderings of the same 
material has been illustrated above, and two other instances 
may here be added to make the point clearer. Caedmon's 
verses, which were the first that any Englishman is known to 
have made, are preserved in a MS. of the first half of the 8th 
century in the following form : 

Nu scylun hergan 1 hefaenricaes uard 

^metudces maecti end his modgidanc 

uerc ^uuldurfadur sue he uundra gihuaes 

4 eci Dryctin or astelidse 

he aerist scop aelda barnum 

heben til hrofe b haleg scepen 

tha middungeard 6 moncynnces uard 

4 eci Dryctin sefter tiadas 

firum fold[u] n frea allmectig? 

This is practically a rendering of the first verse of Genesis, 
but the poetry expands the material by using many terms for 
the single ' God ' of the prose. The Deity is 1 the ward of the 
kingdom of heaven, 2 metud ( == fate) , *the glory father, 4 the eternal 
lord, 5 the holy creator, % the ward of mankind, 1 the lord almighty. 
Men, too, are celda barn and fir as ; earth is middun-geard and 
folde, 

A later instance may be taken from the version of Boethius , 
De Consolatio7te Philosophiae. The prose has simply : ' Da waes 
sum consul, faet we heretoha hatap, Boetius waes haten, se waes 
in boccraeftum and on woruld)?eawum se rihtwlsesta.' This in 
the metrical rendering is thus expanded : 

8 See Sweet's Oldest English Texts, pp. 148 — 9. In Bede's History 
the sense of these verses is thus given : * Nunc laudare debemus auctorem 
regni coelestis, potentiam creatoris, et consilium illius, facta patris gloriae. 
Quomodo ille cum sit aeternus Deus, omnium miraculorum auctor exstitit, 
qui primo filiis hominum coelum pro culmine tecti, dehinc terram custos 
humani generis omnipotens creavit.' Bede adds : ' Hie est sensus, non 
autem ordo ipse, verborum quae dormiens ille canebat.' 



Chapter VII 127 

J?a wses flcra sum: on i?6me byrig 

Hkefen heretoga. : ^laforde leof 

J?set waes rihtwis rinc : nass mid i?omwarum 

rincgeofa rella : siftftan longe 

he wses for weorulde wis: weorftmynda georn 

feorn boca. gleaw : i?oitius 

se /foele /£atte se Jxme /^lisan gej?ah. 

//$£« 0/" //z^ great was one : in the city of Rome 9 

a leader exalted: loved of his lord, 

it was a righteous man : not 'mong the Romans 

was treasure -giver better: for long after: 

he was wise in this world's ways: eager for honour, 

a man skilled in books : Boethius 

the hero hight : who gained such fame. 

15. One further point (which the quotations will illustrate) 
in reference to the poetry may be just noticed — 

. _ . . _ . , _ ... _ . . Alliteration. 

the kind of rime used. It will be seen that in 
all the verses that have been given, there is alliteration, i.e. 
certain stressed words in each verse begin either with the same 
consonant, or with vowels (generally different ones). The 
number of alliterating words may be two or three, but in any 
case only one is found in the second of the half-verses into 
which each verse is divided by a pause. The last extract, in 
which the alliterative letters are italicized and the pause marked 
by a colon ( :), may be taken as an example of the kind of 
rime which was used in all the Old English poetry. 

16. There is one point in connection with the special part 
of the language, which has been considered in 

this chapter, that, after reading the material poetic vocabu- 
given in illustration, will probably have attracted ary ' 
notice, viz. the complete disappearance from the later lan- 
guage of all that was so characteristic of the earlier. While 
most of the work to be done by Modern English is done by 
the English words in it, yet that element of the old speech, 
which once was most highly prized, has long ceased to form 
part of the living vocabulary of England. Poetry still holds its 



128 Outlines of the History of the English Language 

place in our literature, but its verse and its vocabulary are no 
longer after the fashion of the early times. The chapter that 
has attempted to give some idea of that fashion may fitly close 
with words of Kemble, which may serve as a summary of the 
conclusions that might be drawn from our examples. Speaking 
of the Old English poetry he says it exhibits ' peculiarities 
which belong to the poetical language in contradistinction to 
that of prose, and which were kept up by tradition among 
their scopas or poets. To this is owing the retention, even in 
Christian works, of modes of expression, which must have had 
their origin in the heathen feeling, and which in order to fit 
them for their new application, are gradually softened down, 
and gain less personal and more abstract significations. The 
language of poetry is as distinct from that of prose among the 
Anglo-Saxons as any two different dialects. It is in their 
poems that the stubborn nationality of our forefathers shews 
itself most thoroughly; their prose works are almost always 
literal translations, and even if original are deeply imbued with 
tramontane feelings, derived from the models most in vogue. 
But the epic forms maintained themselves despite of the book 
learning, which was so overprized, and even translations become 
originals from the all-pervading Teutonic spirit, which was 
unconsciously preserved in the forms and phrases of heathen 
poetry.' 



CHAPTER VIII 



Decay of learning in England after the appearance of the Danes — the out- 
pouring from the * populous north ' — physical and political conditions of 
Norway and Denmark — Danish attacks on England and the settle- 
ments which followed — Alfred's treaty with the Danes — a permanent 
Scandinavian element in England — Danish rule in England — the 
character of the Danes as shown in their conflict with the English — 
Danish influence on language to some extent destructive — Danish loan- 
words — not numerous, but many of them characteristic of their source 
— terms connected with law, with the sea, with war — general terms — 
amount of indebtedness implied by the loan-words — evidence from 
Middle English literature of borrowing in earlier times — Danish words 
in the literature and in dialects — the determination of a Scandinavian 
origin for words used in English — Danish characteristics in English. 

1. It has been noticed in a preceding chapter {ante, p. 69) 
that at the close of the 8th century Alcuin, an 
Englishman living in Gaul, could point to his i ea ^nfngin 
native land as a storehouse, to which the scholars England in 
of his adopted country might have recourse to t ury 9 
supply deficiencies, of which his acquaintance 
with English libraries made him sensible ; and it was York in 
particular that Alcuin must have had in his mind when he 
thought of England and its learning. But before the end of 
the 9th century the state of learning in England had utterly 
changed ; and as we know from Alfred (ante, p. 73), so far was 
England from being a place to which men would come in 
search of learning, that the English of his time had to look to 
k 129 



130 Outlines of the History of the English Language 

other lands for teaching ; and York was in the very part of the 

country that had suffered most from the influences which 

brought about the change. Even when Alcuin was writing of 

^ L ' the flowers of Britain/ the cloud — no bigger 

Xhe appear- . 

ance of the than a man's hand — which heralded the storm, 
England ^at was to destroy those flowers, had appeared. 

Under the year 787 the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle 
has the ominous entry, ' In Beorhtric's days (he died in 800) 
came first three ships, and the reeve rode thereto and was for 
driving them to the king's town, for he knew not what they 
were, and he was slain. It was the first ships of Danish men 
that visited the land of the English.' 1 A new influence had 
begun to shew itself in England, which was to leave lasting 
traces on the people and on the language, and which, as the 
first notices of those who were to exert it might suggest, was 
to work differently from those which had already operated ; for 
though in the case both of the Celts and of the Scandinavians 
the English had a foe to deal with, the first were weak, the 
second strong ; and though in the case of Christianity, as in 
that of the Scandinavians, there was no lack of strength, the 
former produced its effects by peaceful means, the latter made 
their power felt by force of arms. 

2. The story of which an account of the relations between 

the Scandinavians and the English forms part 
pouring of the is a very remarkable one. From lands of no 
Scandina- great extent and apparently little favoured by 

nature poured forth a human stream, that might 



1 ' On his {Beorhtric's) dagum cuomon 3erest iii scipu and }?a se gerefa 
J?aerto rad and hie wolde drifan to bses cyninges tune \>y he nyste hwset hie 
waeron, and hiene mon ofslog. paet wseron J?a aerestan scipu Deniscra 
monna \>e Angelcynnes lond gesohton.' This entry does not fix the date 
of the incident which it mentions, but the ships appeared probably before 
796, the date of Alcuin's letter. At any rate in some MSS. of the Chronicle 
there are notices of attacks by the * heathen ' in Northumbria in the years 
793 and 794; in the former year the church at Lindisfarne was destroyed. 



Chapter VIII 131 

well have been thought inexhaustible, 1 and that before it 
ceased to flow had left hardly any part of Europe untouched. 
From Iceland to Constantinople the Northmen were known, 
and, like the Saxons of an earlier time, they became terrible 
by their depredations. Of their dealings with other lands than 
England this is not the place to speak ; but it will be remem- 
bered that England in suffering from their attacks had but the 
same fate as a great part of Europe. 

Of the northern lands, which in the 9th, 10th, and nth 
centuries played so prominent a part in European 
history, it is Denmark and Norway with which ^. ysi , cal and 

J 7 J political con- 

we are most concerned. The physical and poli- ditions of 
tical conditions of these countries in some re- Denmark** 1 
spects favoured the special development we 
have to notice. In Norway the extent of land which could be 
cultivated was small, and such land was to be found near the 
coast. i Norway,' said the Norwegian, Ohthere, to king Alfred, 
1 is very long and very narrow. All of it, that can be either 
grazed or ploughed, lies by the sea, and even that is in some 
places very rocky, and there are wild hills to the east running 
parallel to the cultivated land.' 2 And what the same speaker 
told of himself may suggest like conditions for others, who 
lived in such a land. It was by the sea that he dwelt ; 3 and 

1 See the table given by Steenstrup (Normannerne, I. pp. 214 — 7) of 
the number of ships in Scandinavian fleets of the 9th century, and of the 
numbers of the fallen in various battles during the same time. According 
to the sources there quoted as many as 700 ships were to be found in one 
fleet, and the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle mentions another of 350 ships. The 
losses, which were suffered, are on the same scale, 12,000 being the number 
of the slain on one occasion. 

2 Ohthere ssede ftaet Norftmanna land waere swybe lang and swyfce smael. 
Eal J)3et his man after oftfte ettan oftfte erian maeg, J?set lift wift fta sse; and 
>aet is >eah on sumum stowum swyfte cludig; and licgaft wilde moras wift 
eastan and wift uppon emnlange J?aem bynum lande. Alfred's Orosius, 
bk. 1. c. i. 

3 He cwseft j?aet he bude on >aem lande nor)?weardum wip >a Westsae. ib. 



132 Outlines of the History of the English Language 

on the sea he was at home. He was accustomed to whaling, 1 
and had made a voyage of discovery in which he had reached 
the White Sea. To men so trained the sea became the high- 
way to other more favoured lands, from which might be 
obtained the wealth, that could not be acquired in their own. 
In Denmark, too, though the country was not occupied by 
barren hills, as was Norway, yet it was mostly by the water 
that the population was settled, and the sea again was the road 
to fortune. And in the political conditions that prevailed in 
either country there would be many to whom that road would 
prove attractive. In Norway, for example, before the country 
was brought under the single rule of Harold Fairhair, there 
were many small kingdoms. If, as was not unfrequently the 
case, the ruler of one of these was dispossessed by a more 
powerful neighbour, it was often to the sea that he betook 
himself, and on it, or in the lands to which it bore him, sought 
to mend his fortunes by rapine. What the sea was to the 
Scandinavians may be suggested to us by their literature, the 
statements of which, even if they be not exact, may at least be 
taken as indicative of the feelings with which it was regarded 
by them. For instance, the definition of the genuine sea-king 
fits in well with the character that should belong to a race 
whose ships were known on every coast in Europe. 'Many 
sea-kings there were/ says the old Saga, * who had many men 
under them, and had no lands : but he alone had full right to 
the name of sea-king, that never slept under sooty beam, and 
never drank at chimney corner.' 2 And the numberless scenes 
of seafaring life, which are preserved in their literature, would 

1 He for for J?3em horswaelum . . . ac on his agnum lande is se betsta 
hwselhunta}? ; J?a beo$ eahta and feowertiges elna lange, and ]^a msestan, 
fiftiges elna langa; ]?ara, he ssede, J?aet he syxa sum ofsloge syxtig on twam 
dagum. Alfred's Orosius, bk. I. c. i. 

2 Varu margir ssekonungar, J?eir er re<5u liSi miklu ok atti engi lond : 
>6tti sa einn meft fullu heita mega saekonungr, er hann svaf aldri undir 
s6tkum asi, ok drakk aldri at arins homi. Ynglinga Saga, c. 34. 



Chapter VIII 133 

justify the application to the Scandinavians of the description 
(quoted ante, p. 54) at an earlier time given of the Saxons. 1 

3. Those for whom the sea had so few terrors were not 
likely to abandon any road upon it which was 
once opened up, and if the entries in the Anglo- at ^£s S foi- 
Saxon Chronicle during the second quarter of the lowed by 
9th century be referred to, it will be seen that settTement. 
the appearance of the i heathen men ' 2 became a 
more and more prominent feature of English History. But 
the entries deal with expeditions made during the summer for 
the sake of plunder, and no attempt at gaining a footing in the 

1 The light in which, what now would be looked upon as piracy, was 
regarded among the Scandinavians may be slightly shewn by the following 
quotations from one of the smaller Icelandic Sagas. Countless instances in 
support of the inferences to be drawn from them might be collected. A 
young man, who remains at home, is thus admonished by his father : ' The 
doings of young men have got to be other than when I was young; then 
men were eager for some exploit, either to betake themselves to plundering 
or get money and honour in doings that a man risked his life in. . . . It was 
the custom of mighty men, kings and earls, our equals, to go out plundering, 
and get for themselves money and fame, and that money was not to be 
reckoned an inheritance, nor was the son to take it after the father, but it 
was to be laid in the grave with the man himself. ' The son of the man so 
addressed is represented as, while still in his teens, requesting to be thus 
started in life : " * I want you to give me a ship and I will plunder during 
the summer after the fashion of my kinsmen before me.'. . . Afterwards they 
betook themselves to plundering and got on well in their viking-cruise ... by 
autumn they had taken five ships, all well equipped with weapons and 
men.' " Vatnsdaela Saga. It may just be noticed, that in both passages 
such piracy is spoken of as a regular practice, and that, too, in the case of 
the best men. 

2 Of the terms used to denote the Scandinavian marauders ' the heathen 
(men)' was current both in England and Ireland before those which 
referred to the places from which they came. Thus in the first three annals 
(793, 794, 832) of the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle, in which among the events 
of the year an attack is recorded, the term is used; in 833 Denisc occurs. 
But as late as 942 the Northmen were still heathen to the Chronicler. The 
term may deserve notice as illustrating the mental attitude of the English 
to the Danes. 



1 34 Outlines of the History of the English Language 

country is recorded. The character of the attacks, however, 
quite changes in the second half of the century, and with the 
change comes the time, when Danish influence can become 
strong in England, when, consequently, its influence upon the 
language may be important. Under the year 85 1 the Chronicle 
has the significant notice : ' Heathen men for the first time 
remained through the winter ; ' * and soon after, in 855, a repe- 
tition of this hitherto unusual practice is recorded : i Heathen 
men for the first time in Sheppey remained through the winter.' 2 
This wintering in England seems to have been the first step in 
the direction of permanent settlement; and, as will appear 
from the record of events during the period from 870 to 880 
which is contained in the Chronicle, when the first step was 
taken, it was not long before the end was reached. In 870 
' King Edmund fought with the Danes, and they were victorious, 
and slew the King, and got all the country. In 874 'the army 
(of the Danes) marched to Repton and took up winter quar- 
ters there, and drove King Burhred over sea, and got all the 
country.' In 875 'the army took up winter quarters by the 
river Tyne, and got all the country.' In 876 ' Healfdene divided 
up Northumberland, and the Danes were ploughing and culti- 
vating it for themselves.' In 877 ' the army in autumn marched 
into Mercia, and some of it they divided among themselves, 
and gave some to Ceolwulf.' In 880 ' the army marched from 
Cirencester into East Anglia and occupied the country and 
divided it among themselves.' 

4. A practical summary of the proceedings just detailed is 
furnished by the first article in the agreement 

The treaty J ° 

of Alfred with made in 878 between Alfred and Gu thrum, 
the Danes. according to which the boundary between the 
English and Danish districts lay along the Thames to the 
mouth of the Lea, then along the Lea to its source, then 

1 Hse}>ne men serest ofer winter saeton. 

2 Haejme men merest on Sceapige ofer winter sjetun. 



Chapter VIII 135 

directly to Bedford, then along the Ouse to Watling Street. 1 
But besides determining the limit of the district which had 
come under Danish rule — the Danelagh 2 — the agreement in 
other articles will throw some light upon the relations to one 
another of the two races. In the second their equality in the 
eye of the law is declared : ' If a man be slain, we all estimate 
equally dear (i.e. the wergild is the same) English and Danish ; ' 3 
and in the fifth the intercourse between the two is regulated : 
1 We all agreed that neither bond nor free may go to the Danes 
without leave, no more than any of them to us. But if it 
happen that from necessity any one of them wants to have 
traffic with us, or we with them, that is to be permitted in this 
wise ; hostages are to be given as a pledge of peace, and as 
evidence that a man 'has a clean back' (i.e. is acting legally). 4 
5. From what has been said it may be seen when Danish 
influence became important, and in what parts 
of the country it was likely to be most powerful ; Scandinavian 
something also may be learnt as to the status element in 

r . J . , . . England. 

of the new element m the population : in other 

words, it may be seen that during the latter half of the 9th 

1 yErest ymb ure landgemsera. up on Temese & >onne up on Ligan. 
& andlang Ligan oft hire aewylm. bonne on gerihte to Bedanforda. >onne 
up on Usan oft Wsetlinga-straet. Thorpe's Ancient Laws and Institutes of 
England, vol. I. p. 152. 

2 For the geographical sense oilagh (= law) in this word, compare the 
similar use of log (— law) in Icelandic, e.g. Prcenda-log = the jurisdiction of 
the Thronds. So the word came to denote the district over which the 
Danish jurisdiction was exercised. 

3 Gif man ofslagen weorfte. ealle we lseta'S efendyrne. Engliscne & 
Deniscne. to vin. healf-marcum. 

4 Ealle we cwaedon . . . j?aet ne Ipeowe ne freo ne moton in >one here {here 
is regularly used in speaking of the Danes) faran butan leafe. ne heora 
nan J?e ma to us. Gif J?onne gebyrige j?aet for neode heora hwilc wift ure 
bige habban wille. o\>\>q we wift heora. mid yrfe & mid aehtum. J?set is 
to jmfianne on j?a wisan. J?set man gislas sylle frrSe to wedde. & to 
swutulunge j?aet man wite j?aet man claene baec haebbe (another MS. has : 
>set man mid rihte fare). Thorpe, p. 154. 



136 Outlines of the History of the English Language 

century considerable numbers of those who spoke some form of 
Scandinavian speech had settled on a footing of equality with 
the English in the northern and midland parts of the country. 
Thus a permanent influence had begun to work upon language 
in England; for though in course of time the overlordship, 
which Alfred had been forced to relinquish, was regained and 
held by English kings, this did not involve the expulsion of 
the Scandinavian element from the parts where it was settled. 
So in speaking of the success which crowned the efforts of 
Alfred's son to restore the English supremacy, the Chronicle 
says under the year 924 : 'And then was he chosen father and 
lord by the king of the Scots... and by Regnald and Eadulfs 
sons and by all who live in Northumbria, both English and 
Danish and Northmen.' Y And the names on the map of 
England still tell not only of the presence at an early time of 
Scandinavians in certain parts of the country, but also of their 
permanent settlements. 2 

6. A period of permanent settlement had thus followed 

upon one of mere plundering expeditions, but 
in England" 16 ^is secon( i stage in the relations between the 

English and the Scandinavians was not to be the 
final one. During a great part of the 10th century little is 
heard of the Danish attacks ; but at its close, when unfortu- 
nately for the country the throne was occupied by one whose 
incompetence has earned for him the title of the Unready, they 
began again. The third stage was then reached, and until 
1042 a Danish dynasty ruled in England. 

1 And hine geces >a to faeder and to hlaforde Scotta cyning...and 
Regnald and Eadulfes suna and ealle J>a ]>e on Nor>hymbrum bugea}>. 
aeg)?er ge Englisce ge Denisce ge Norj?men. 

2 The point may be illustrated by some numbers quoted from Taylor's 
Words and Places. Of names denoting permanent settlement he estimates 

that in Lincolnshire there are about 300; Leicestershire, Westmoreland, 
Cumberland, and each of the Ridings have about 100 each; Norfolk, 
Northampton, Notts, Lancashire about 50 each; Suffolk, Derby, Cheshire, 
Rutland about 12; Bucks, Bedford, Warwick, 6. 



Chapter VIII 137 

7. Before this date, then, for some 250 years the Danes 
had been in a position to exercise an influence mi _ , 

r The char- 

upon England, and for much the greater part of acter of the 
the period their connection with the country ? a t n h e e s ir a c s n. een 
had been such as to lead to the expectation that flict with the 
their influence would be very strong. It is in ngls 
one respect only, in its effect upon language, that we want to 
appreciate it ; but to do this it is necessary to say a few words 
about their proceedings. It is as a hostile army that they 
presented themselves, and the most usual name applied to 
them in the latter half of the 9th century is se here, the army. 1 
As the entries of the Chronicle during the reigns of Alfred and 
Ethelred will shew, their activity was irrepressible ; and their 
methods of warfare fairly entitled them to the description 
given of the early Saxons, 'hostis est omni hoste truculentior.' 
Like the Saxons, too, they were heathen. For them the 
churches and monasteries, where were gathered as well ma- 
terial as literary treasures, had no sanctity, and from them the 
peaceful churchmen and scholars, who had their homes in the 
religious houses, could expect no quarter. Alfred remembered 
how he had seen the churches throughout England filled with 
treasures and books, but it was before the country was wasted 
by fire and sword. 2 Of such devastation the Chronicle gives 
example in the year before Alfred came to the throne, when 
under the year 870 it notes, that the Danes destroyed all the 
minsters they came to, amongst them Peterborough, which 
they burned and sacked, slaying abbot and monks, and all that 
they found there ; and the place, which before was very rich, 



1 For the force of the word compare the Old English verb hergian, to 
devastate, and in modern languages Danish hcerge and German ver-heeren, 
which have the same meaning. 

2 Ic gemunde hu ic geseah, aer fern fte hit eall forhergod waere ond 
fcrbaerned, hu l oa ciricean giond eall Angelcynn stodon maftma ond boca 
gefylda. Pref. to translation of the Cur a Pastoralis. 



138 Outlines of the History of the English Language 

they reduced to nothing. 1 Under the same year occurs the 
notice of King Edmund's slaying, another act of the Danes, 
the fuller description of which, to be found elsewhere, will 
shew them in their character of ' hostis truculentus.' 2 Later 
the Chronicle itself will furnish the details of a not less cha- 
racteristic scene, the death of Archbishop ^Elfheah ; 3 while 
from the lamentations of the martyred archbishop's contempo- 
rary, Wulfstan, 4 a general idea may be got of the miseries into 
which the country was plunged by its terrible foe. 

8. The instances just given of the proceedings of the 
Danes may suggest that in their presence in 
influence of the England may be found a sufficient cause for the 
Danes on ian- d ecav of learning which Alfred regretfully re- 
corded. In estimating Danish influence on the 
language there will, then, be destructive and negative elements 
to be taken into account. If learning had been continuously 
cultivated with the success, which, as we have seen, marked 
the earlier times, it might well have happened that foreign 

1 Hi fordiden ealle \>a mynstre j?a hi to comon. On j?a ilcan tima 
comon hi to Medeshamstede. beorndon and brsecon. slogon abbot and 
munecas. and eall J?aet hi >aer fundon. macedon hit J?a )?aet ser waes fulrice. 
J?a hit wear^S to nan>ing. A graphic account of the events here so briefly- 
recorded by the Chronicle is given in Ingulfs Chronicle of Croyland. 
This work may not be in all respects trustworthy, but the account in 
question may be taken as fairly representing the methods of the Danes. 

2 The Chronicle says simply : Eadmund cyning him {the Danes) wij> 
feaht. and }?a Deniscan sige namon and }?one cyning ofslogon. But the 
Old English homily on St Edmund tells how he was bound by his captors 
to a tree, and after long scourging was made the target for their javelins, 
till, like St Sebastian, he was covered all over with the missiles. 

3 ^Elfheah, who had fallen into the hands of the Danes, had incensed 
them by refusing to promise them money, and forbidding others to ransom 
him. His captors, drunk with wine that had been brought to them, led 
him forth, and stoned him with bones and the heads of oxen (hine oftor- 
fodon mid banum and mid hryftera heafdum), until a blow on the head from 
an axe put an end to his martyrdom. A.-S. Chron., an. 1012. 

4 See Wulfstan's Homilies, ed. Napier, especially pp. 156 sqq. 



Chapter VIII 139 

words would have made their way into the language in larger 
numbers than was actually the case ; so that in contributing 
to bring about the decay of learning the Danes may at the 
same time have been contributing to the preservation of the 
language from Latin elements. And not only was the culti- 
vation of Latin neglected ; in those parts of the country where 
the Danish element was most prominent the native speech also 
suffered ; and, as we shall see later, the early specimens of the 
Northern dialect shew a neglect of grammatical accuracy that 
only at a much later date finds a parallel in the South. It is 
thanks to the Danes, apparently, that the North was the first 
to start on that course which under the pressure of other 
disturbing influences was subsequently pursued elsewhere, and 
which ended in leaving English almost flexionless. 

9. If we turn now to the positive side, it will be seen 
that contributions to early English from Scandi- „. _ 

... . J r ^ , . , T . The Danish 

navian sources, like those from Celtic and Latin, loan-words 
form an inconsiderable part of the total voca- notnumerous - 
bulary which has been preserved in the early MSS. It should 
be noticed, however, that the determination of the Scandi- 
navian element has from the nature of the case a special 
difficulty. Scandinavian speech is so much more akin to 
English than is either Celtic or Latin, that it is not always easy 
to decide whether a word is to be assigned to the one or to the 
other source. But even if some doubtful cases be considered 
Scandinavian, and if the period, from whose literature the 
words are drawn, be extended to the middle of the 12th 
century, so as to include the latest MS. of the A.-S. Chronicle, 
the list of words so obtainable is not a long one. And of these 
borrowings, as of the Latin, it may be remarked, that in the 
majority of cases they do not belong to the general current 
speech ; a considerable proportion of them may be classed as legal 
terms ; some of them are found only in the literature of the North ; 
many appear only in the literature belonging to the latter part 
of the period under notice. Hence it will appear that to the 



140 Outlines of the History of the English Language 

language of the Danes, notwithstanding the important part 
they played in the history of England, the vocabulary of early 
English, so far as it is known to us from those of its literary 
remains which belong to times before the Norman Conquest, 
owed no considerable part of its material. 

10. In the case of Latin loan-words it was seen how they 
mark the character of the source from which 

ioa^i°words the tne y came J tne same point, naturally, may be 
characteristic observed in the case of the Scandinavian. So 
—words con- the fondness of the Scandinavians for legal pro- 
jected with cedure, which finds abundant illustration in the 

law. ' 

old Northern literature, and is clearly enough 
recognisable in England after the establishment of Norman 
rule, may be traced in the following group of words, all of 
them more or less terms of law or administration, and together 
constituting the most considerable section of the borrowed 
material. 1 



1 It is not merely on the ground of its likeness to a Scandinavian form 
that a word finds a place in the list which follows; but to give further reasons 
in each case would be to go somewhat beyond the limits that proportion 
would fix for this part of our subject. One or two words, however, may be 
noted by way of illustration. Bryd-lop, before 1050, is found only in the 
Northern specimens, being used in the Northern glosses of the gospels to 
render nuptiae, which the West Saxon translation renders by gifta (pi.)- 
Of the two instances given in Bosworth's Dictionary of clcecleas, one is in 
an nth century glossary; there it glosses inmunis, but is accompanied by 
la file as, which is certainly English, as if it were not a very familiar word; 
the other is in a late charter belonging to the North of England. Grip is 
frequently used, but only in late Anglo-Saxon times. Thus it does not 
occur in the Chronicle before 1002; and though an instance of its use may 
be found somewhat earlier in the Laws, yet there it appears freely only in 
the Laws of Ethelred and later. Lagu, again, is found only in Danish 
times, a> being the English word. The position might be illustrated in this 
instance by a comparison of the renderings of various versions of Matthew 
xi. 13. In this passage the Latin lex is in the West Saxon rendered by ^, 
but in the 12th century modification of this translation lage is used; the 
Icelandic has log-mil, the Danish lov. 



Chapter VIII 



141 



English 
bryd-lop marriage 

claec-leas free (immunis) 
crafian to de?nand (at law) 

for-mgel, frij?-mal v. mal 

for-word 1 a stipulation 

geatan to grant 

grij? peace, truce 

ham-socn 2 attacking an enemy in 

his house 
hamelian to mutilate 
hand-faestan to betroth 
hand-fsestnung ratification 

hiis-ting a meeting, council 



lagu law 

Using a freedman 

mal a case, an agreement 
wi]?er-mal a counter-plea 
for-meel an agreement 
frij?-mal pi. terms of peace 

marc a mark (=8 ounces) 

ora the eighth of a mark 

rad-stefn a summons carried by a 

mounted person (?) 
rsedes-mann a counsellor, steward 
ran = aperta rapina 

sac-leas innocent 
sam-msele agreed (v. mal) 



Scandinavian 

I. (Icelandic), D. (Danish) 

I. brul-laup ( = brtift-hlaup ) ; D. 

bryllup 
I. klak-laust unhurt, scatheless 
I. krefja; D. krseve to claim (e.g. 
a debt) 

D. for-ord a condition, proviso 

I. jata to grant 

I. grift; pL peace, truce 

I. heim-sokn an attack on one's 

house 
I. hamla to maim, mutilate 
I. hand-festa to pledge 
I. hand-festning^//^^/ D.haand- 

fgestning a charter 
I. htis-bing a meeting, council, to 

which a king, earl, or captain 

summoned his people 
I. log pi. law ; D. lov 
I. leysingr a freed7nan 
I. mal a case, an agreement, terms 



I. mork a mark 

I. eyrir {pi. aurar) the eighth of a 

mark 
I. stefna a summons 

I. rafts-maftr a counsellor, steward 
I. ran (in law) any unlawful seiz- 
ure of property, robbery 
I. sak-lauss innocent (in law) 
cf. I. sam-maeli an agreement 



1 In this case, and perhaps also in that of fore-weard, the material may 
be English determined by Scandinavian models. 

2 Hame-sucken, the crime of assailing a person within his own house. 
Jamieson's Scottish Dictionary. 



142 Outlines of the History of the English Language 



English 
sciftan to divide into shares 

seht agreement ; seht agreed 

stefnian to summon 

)>rij?ing a Riding (as in Yorkshire) 

iit-laga an outlaiv ; other connected 
forms are ut-lah, -lagian 

wsepen-getsec (a term for the district 
which in Southern English was 
called a hundred) a wapentake 

wed-broj?er a confederate 



Scandinavian 
I. skipta to divide (an inheritance, 

&c.) 
I. satt, ssett agreement ; sattr agreed 
I. stefna to summon ; D. staevne 
I. J?riSjungr a third part of a shire 
I. tit-lagi an outlaw ; other forms 

are tit-lagr (-laga), -begja 
I. vapna-tak 



I. veft-brdftir a pledged brother, con- 
federate 



Words de- 
noting ranks 
or classes of 
persons. 



A smaller technical group is formed by words 
denoting ranks or classes of persons : 



bonda, hus-bonda a householder 
eorl (as a title) an earl 
heafdes-mann {as compared with 

English heafod-mann) a captain 
hofding a chief ringleader 
hold (as a title) 
hus-carl a member of the king's 

body-guard 
>eonest-mann a liegeman 
}>reel a thrall, slave 



bondi, htis-bondi 

iarl 

hofufts-maftr 



I. 
I. 
I. 

I. hof<5ingi 

I. holdr an owner of allodial land 

I. hds-karl 

I. J^jdnustu-maftr 
I. Jrall 



Nautical 
words. 



Naturally there are words connected with 
nautical matters : 



[bat-]swegen a boatman 
butse-carl a sailor 
cnearr a kind of ship 
ha an oar-thole 
ha-saeta a rower 
hamele a rowlock 
\\\> a fleet 

lij?s-mann a sailor 
scegj? a light, swift vessel 

scegb-mann a pirate 



I. sveinn a lad 

I. -karl 

I. knorr a ship 

I. har a thole 

I. ha-seti an oarsman 

I. ham la an oar- loop 

I. lift a force by sea or land 

lifts-maftr a sailor or soldier 
I. skeift a swift-sailing ship 

war 



»f 



Chapter VIII 



*43 



English 
snacc a swift-sailing vessel 



Scandinavian 
I. snekkja a swift-sailing vessel; 
D. snekke a bark 
steores-mann {as compared with Swedish, styres-man a ruler 

English steor-mann) a steersman 
weder-faest weather-bound I. veftr-fastr 



There are but few, apparently, connected Terms con- 

; rr J ' nected with 

with war : war. 

arewe (earh is the English form) I. or,//, orvar 

an arrow 

fylcian to draw up troops I. fylkja 

genge troops I. gengi 

orrest battle I. orrosta 



Other words, which from the more general 
character of most of them hardly call for classi- 
fication, are the following : 



General 
words. 



ceallian to call (clipian is the Eng- 
lish word) 

carl a male x 

cnif a knife (seax is the English 
word) 

cost condition; modus 

dreng a {Danish) warrior (used in 
the Battle of Maldon) 

drepan to kill (in English the word 
= to strike) 

ge-eggian to egg on (the word is 
used in the Northern gospels to 
translate concitare, Mk. xv. 11) 

fe (o)-laga a fellow, partner 2 
felageschipe partnership 



I. kalla 

I. karl 
I. kmfr 

I. kostr condition, terms 
I. drengr a gallant man 

I. dvepa. to slay ; D. drasbe 
I* e £gJ a io e iS on i incite 

I. fe-lagi a partner, fellow, mate 



1 English and Scandinavian use may be illustrated from the Chronicle 
by the English ' wcepmen and wimmen ' under 1 1 23, and ' carlmen and 
wimmen' under 1137. 

2 After the division of the kingdom between Edmund and Canute they 
were * feolagan,' Chron. 1016. 



144 Outlines of the History of the English Language 



English 
gaersum(a) a treasure, costly thing 1 
gra-scinnen of grey fur 1 
hearma-scinnen of ermine skin 
hittan to meet, come upon 2 
on lofte in the air, a-loft (lyft is 

the English form} 
nij?ing a villain, dastard 
Norren Norwegian 
OSen, OwSen Odin (Woden is the 

English form) 
ride-soht fever (in Northern Gloss, 

Mk. i. 31) 
rot-faest rooted, fixed (wyrttruma is 

the English form for root) 
sceot ready, quick (hraed is English) 
scilian (scip of male) to pay off a 

ship 
scinn skin, v. gra-scinnen 
scripp a scrip, bag 
snasdan to take a meal 

s5l ( ? or Latin ?) sun (sunne is the 
English word) 

stor great 

tacan to take (niman is the English 
word) 

taper-aex a small axe 

tidung tidings (perhaps English 
material influenced by Scandina- 
vian use) 

toft a toft, piece of ground 

J?e(o)nest service 

J?rinna three 

pur Thor (punor is the English form) 

1 Malcolm and his sweoster Margaret 
on scynnan mid paelle betogen, and on 
nene and hearmascynnene, Chron. 1071 
of grey, and fell = skin. 

2 Harold hytte hi set Stemfordbrygge, Chr. 1066. Another MS. has the 
regular English word gemette (met) . 



Scandinavian 
. gorsemi 
. skinn skin ; gra-skinn grey fur 

, hitta to meet 

. lopt the air ; a lopt a4oft 

. nijnngr 
. Norraenn 
. Oftinn 

. riftu-sott fever, ague 

. rot-fastr 

. skjotr quick 

. skilja; cf. D. skille en af med 
noget to rid one of something 

. skreppa; D. skreppe 

. snaefta to lake a meal ; snaeSi a 

meal 
. sol; D. sol. 

. storr; D. stor 
. taka 

. tapar-6x {from Russian) 
. tiftindi; D. tidende 



. topt a piece of ground 
. bjonusta 
. ]?rennar 
. porr 

a geafon him manega gasrsama . . . 

merfterne pyleceon, and graschyn- 

Grag is the Old English form 



Chapter VIII 145 

English Scandinavian 

>weng a band (in Northern Gloss of I. >vengr 

Mt. 23. 5; >wang w the English 

form) 
witer wise, knowing I. vitr 

wrang wrong (subst.) I. rangr wrong (adj.) 

11. Some points connected with these lists have been 
noted already in § 9, as needing to be taken 
into account when attempting to appreciate the • d^tT* T 
indebtedness of the language to Scandinavian, implied by the 
As an additional point it may be noticed that in gf^en. W ° r S 
many cases the borrowed words occur very seldom, 
the work they might have done, and which, in some instances, 
they actually did afterwards, being done by native equivalents. 
The point deserves notice, more particularly in the case of 
words placed in the last group. For example, the verb to call, 
now and for a long time past so commonly used, occurs only 
once ; the work of language in expressing its idea was done by 
the native words clipian and cigan, 1 To egg (on), which also 
occurs once, glosses concitare in the Lindisfarne Gospels, but 
the English word used by the West Saxon translator of the 
passage, to stir (up), is the really efficient part of the vocabu- 
lary. To take is found in the Chronicle in the second half of 
the nth century, but up till then niman had done the work, 
and for long afterwards was able to do it. So with other words. 

1 The position of the verb call at different times may be roughly 
illustrated in the following way. In the Authorized Version of St Matthew's 
Gospel it occurs 21 times, but neither in the West Saxon version (c. 1000) 
nor in the Northern Glosses (10th cent.) is there a single instance of its 
use; in the West Saxon 17 of the 21 cases in the A.V. are rendered by 
clipian (9), cigan (2), nemnan (6) ; in the Lindisfarne gloss the same three 
verbs occur 20 times, and in the Rushworth gloss 19 times. Even in the 
poem ( The Battle of Maldon) which contains the single instance of call, 
clipian is used twice. These figures may illustrate the slight importance 
in the early literature of the loan-word call, as compared with that of the 
native words {clipian or cigan), while at the same time they suggest that 
outside the literature the word must have been current. 

L 



146 Outlines of the History of the English Language 

Taking all these considerations into account* then, it would 
seem that the early literature, especially if the period be not 
extended beyond the middle of the nth century, in respect to 
its vocabulary was little influenced by the language of the 
Scandinavians. And, it may be added, in the majority of 
cases such traces of this foreign influence, as the old vocabulary 
could shew, have not proved permanent, and in the modern 
literary language there remain from the lists given above only 
crave, husting, law, shift, riding, outlaw ; arrow ; boat-swain, 
steersman ; husband, earl, thrall ; call, knife, to egg (on), fellow, 
hit, a-loft, skin, scrip, take, tidings, toft, wrong. 

12. But the extent to which a Scandinavian element was 

used in early England is not determined by the 

Other evi- J ° J 

dence of loan- amount of it to be found in Early English litera- 
ture. Naturally that literature belongs mainly 
to the part of the country which was least influenced by the 
Danes, so that little material has come down to us to shew 
what was the condition of language in districts, where the 
strength of early Danish influence is still marked by local names, 
that bear witness to many a Danish settlement. Little as it 
is, however, it affords evidence of a larger Scandinavian 
element in the language of such districts than in that of the 
South. And when from the more abundant material of later 
times fuller knowledge on the point can be got, this difference 
between the vocabularies of different parts of the country 
becomes more apparent. Thus in Layamon's Brut (c. 1200), 
the language of which keeps up much of the traditions of the 
West Saxon literature, there are few Danish words, while in 
the East Midland Ormulum, written about the same time, the 
Danish element is considerable. So in other cases; like 
difference of locality is accompanied by like difference of 
vocabulary, a condition which is but a continuation of that 
which must have prevailed in the earlier times of Wessex and 
the Danelagh. 

13. What has just been said about the Old and Middle 



Chapter VIII 147 

English periods might suggest that words of Danish origin used 
at any time in England do not all stand on the 
same footing. Thus words that had been accepted words^n the 
by the most cultivated form of English, and literature and 

-,...«. TTr in dialects. 

are found in the literature of Wessex, are parts 
of the Old English vocabulary in a sense somewhat different 
from that in which words current only in the speech of Mercia 
or of Northumbria can be so called. And though in the 
Middle English period, when the preeminence of the South 
was lost, all words found in the writings of any dialect might 
have an equal claim to be called English, yet with the reap- 
pearance of a preeminent form in the shape of the literary 
speech everywhere current, the distinction also reappears, and 
the Danish element in Modern English, the cultivated speech 
of the whole country, may be distinguished from the Danish 
words that have only the local currency of a dialect. To give 
a list of either group would take up too much space; it will be 
sufficient to refer the student to works in which these two 
divisions are treated; for the former Appendix IV. (Distribu- 
tion of words) of Prof. Skeat's Etymological Dictionary may be 
consulted; for the latter an article in Anglia, xx. pp. 45 sqq. 
(' A contribution towards the Study of the Scandinavian element 
in the English dialects '). 

14. In connection with the lists just referred to it may be 
repeated, that their determination is from the ^ A 

r ' . The determi- 

nature of the case difficult, and that not merely nation of a 
because English and Scandinavian are nearly oriSnTo^ 1311 
related. For it is to be remembered that a com- words found in 
plete list of all the words found in Old English ng 1S 
MSS. does not contain all the words used in England during the 
Old English period. These MSS. are but a part of the Old 
English literature, so that we have not a complete record even 
of the literary language, and the literary language was then, as 
it is now, only a part of the whole language-material of the 
country. If, then, in the English of later times a word is 



148 Outlines of the History of the English Language 

found, which resembles a Scandinavian form, but has no repre- 
sentative in the known vocabulary of Old English, it does not 
necessarily follow that such a word is borrowed from Scandi- 
navian; the explanation may be simply that the corresponding 
Old English form is unrecorded. Various other considerations, 
however, may help to decide the point. For instance, there 
are Scandinavian peculiarities, whose presence in words marks 
these as borrowed. Thus assimilation of sounds takes place in 
a manner unknown in English; e.g. the English ord, a point, 
appears in Icelandic as odd-r ; with this is connected oddi, 
a triangle, used also of an odd number ; such a consideration 
might determine the character of odd as a borrowed word. 
So, too, Scandinavian is the only branch of Teutonic that 
suffixed the reflexive pronoun to the verb to get the force of 
a middle or passive voice; ba-sk and busk, then, in which the 
suffixed -sk occurs, may be fairly traced to Scandinavian. 
Again, the use of same in English seems due to Scandinavian 
influence. In Old English there is no adjective of correspond- 
ing form, though the adverb same, in the phrase swa same = 
similarly, is found; ilea and self did the work now done by 
same, which occurs for the first time in the Ormulum, a work 
which, as has been already noticed, contains many Danish 
words. But in Icelandic sam-r or (in the more usual weak 
declension) sami is as common a word as is ilea in English. 
The change in the declension of he is a somewhat parallel case. 
In Old English the plural forms (hie, nom. ; hiera, gen. ; him, 
dat.) were from the same root as the singular, but later they 
were displaced by th- forms {they, their, them). Now this use 
is first established in the Northern dialect, so that in the 14th 
century, while in the southern 'Ayenbite of Inwyt ' the plural 
is still hi, here or hare, ham, in the Northern ' Prick of Con- 
science ' it is fiai, pair, fiam. The probability of Danish in- 
fluence, which such local distribution suggests, is increased on 
turning to the declension of the corresponding pronoun in 
Scandinavian; e.g. Icelandic has h- forms in the singular, but 



Chapter VIII 149 

A forms (/>ei-r, fieirra, fieim) in the plural; so that it would 
seem that Scandinavian influence has brought about the sub- 
stitution of a demonstrative form in place of the old regular 
English hie, &c. Such slight instances may illustrate the point 
noted above, that in the case of a modern English word, which 
cannot be traced to an old English one, but which is like a 
Scandinavian form, there are other considerations than mere 
likeness to be taken into account in determining whether such 
a word is borrowed or not. 

15. But not only in additions to the vocabulary and in 
a tendency towards simplicity in the grammar Danish char- 
from the decay of the inflexional system may the acteristics in 
Danish influence in English be traced. The ngls 
earliest Scandinavian prose literature has characteristics which 
are not found in the earliest English, and it maybe that some- 
thing of the peculiar character of the Scandinavian has been 
infused into English. For a statement of the point the follow- 
ing quotation may serve. "The chief impression which is left 
upon the mind by a course of reading in Icelandic prose is the 
peculiarity and variety and fertility of the phraseology. This 
is very striking when viewed in comparison with other Teutonic 
languages, and not least so when contrasted with Anglo-Saxon. 
The remarkable freedom and elasticity of Icelandic prose, 
when compared with the straitness of Anglo-Saxon syntax, is 
naturally calculated to suggest that the English language has 
been quickened in its phraseological activity by Danish con- 
tact; and when we examine the Icelandic phraseology with 
much that appears in English in the Transition period, of 
which Anglo-Saxon affords no adequate account, the idea is 
greatly confirmed. . . . When we proceed a step further, and 
compare the cast of many of our phrases with modern Danish, 
the apprehension that our phraseology received a strong im- 
pulse from the Danelagh gradually shapes itself into a settled 
conviction." 1 

1 Review of Cleasby and Vigfusson's Icelandic Dictionary, Quarterly 



150 Outlines of the History of the English Language 

But though before the middle of the nth century there may 
have been much seed sown by the Danes, which was to be 
quickened and bear fruit, yet in so far as Old English is known 
to us from its literature it shews that the time of fruit had not 
then fully come; and as with Celtic and with Latin, so with 
Scandinavian, the Old English literature shews only a slight 
indebtedness to foreign material. Of this literature, from which 
we can get a knowledge of the oldest English, a short notice 
will be given in the next chapter. 

Review, October, 1875. The sentence which ends with a preposition is 
more in accord with Icelandic usage than with Anglo-Saxon. In the 
former such sentences are common, in the latter very rare. In the account 
of the Norwegian Ohthere's voyage, which Alfred wrote down, an instance 
occurs when he says the decoy deer were valuable ■ for fern hy f 58 fta 
wildan hranas mid? But just before he has used the regular Old English 
construction, when he writes 'spedig on t)£em amtum j?e heora speda on 
beoft,' where as usual the preposition precedes the verb. To translate these 
words * wealth in the property that their wealth consists of would not seem 
unusual now. 



CHAPTER IX 



Object of the chapter — general remarks on the Old English specimens, 
variety of subjects treated in them, Christian influence strongly marked, 
the language of Southern England mostly represented — King Alfred 
as a writer — his translations, Gregory's Cur a Pastoralis, Orosius' 
History, Boethius' De Consolatione Philosophiae — specimen of his 
original composition — Alfred and the Old English Chronicles — speci- 
men of these Annals — other works associated with Alfred — his influ- 
ence on later times — /Elfric and his writings — specimen of his style 
— Wulfstan as a contrast to yElfric — other Old English prose works 
grouped according to subjects — Glosses and Glossaries — poetical 
literature — Kentish, Mercian, and Northumbrian specimens — the 
retention of the Old English vocabulary in that of Modern English — 
illustration from the works of Alfred and ^Elfric — the employment of 
the Old English element by later writers illustrated. 

1. In briefly noticing here the Old English remains the 
object will not be to estimate the literary merit 
which any of them may possess, but to bring ch apter! ° f thC 
out some points connected with the language- 
material they contain. Whether the subjects dealt with in 
the literature were suited to artistic treatment, whether they 
were successfully so treated, are questions beyond the scope 
of the present chapter. And even in regard to language, it 
is not so much the capabilities of the language, to be seen in 
the works of any of the Old English writers, as the extent of 
the Old English vocabulary, to which attention will be directed; 
it is not so much the excellence of the instrument, as the 

151 



152 Outlines of the History of the English Language 

material of which it is composed, that is to be considered. 
It is not, then, only such remains as might come under the 
head of literature, that need to be noticed; the glosses and 
glossaries, which contribute to a knowledge of the vocabulary, 
must be taken into account. 

2. Of the total material, which on the grounds just given 

may be brought within the limits of consideration, 

marksTon the one or tw0 § enera ^ remarks may be made. In the 
oid English first place, there is considerable variety in the 
variety^ sub- subjects dealt with ; in the literature, theology, 
jects treated in history, biography, science, law, fiction, are all 

represented; in the glossaries many different 
classes of words are given; and the variety in either case 
implies a varied and extensive vocabulary. Next, and to this 
Ch -stia influ P°^ nt reference has already been made at the 
ence strongly close of Chap, vi., from the character of the 
marked. subjects treated in the literature it will be 

seen how much the literature depends upon Christianity; 
while, from the nature of the case, the glosses and glossaries 
shew the same influence, for they are all a direct recognition of 
the scholarship that came with Christianity. And lastly it may 

be noted that it is mainly from one part of the 
The speech country that the material is obtained — from the 

of Southern J 

England south. In early times, both in political and 

r^sented eP " literary respects, Northumbria had been impor- 

tant; later, however, Wessex became the chief 
English power and the home of literature, and it is to Wessex 
that most of the Old English remains belong. It is, then, in 
the main, Southern English that is the representative of the 
early times, and of its specimens a few words may now be said. 

3. In speaking of the Early English prose the name that 

deservedly claims to be first mentioned is that of 
as a 1 writer— King Alfred. Loving and valuing learning him- 
his trans- self, he desired that others should enjoy the 

benefits of which learning was the source; and 



Chapter IX 153 

with a generous confidence that English scholars would be 
like-minded with himself, and would cooperate with him, he 
set about doing his part towards giving effect to his desire. 1 
As a result of work, carried on as he himself says ' among 
other divers and manifold occupations of the kingdom ', 2 we 
have some of our most valuable material for determining the 
condition of Early English. For the benefit of the clergy, 
whose lack of learning he deplored, he translated 3 the Cura 
Pastoralis of Gregory, with the intention of The c r 
sending a copy of the translation to each epis- Pastoralis of 
copal city for preservation in the church there. Gre z° r y- 
Two MSS. of this work, one of them intended for Worcester, 
have come down from Alfred's time, and their linguistic value, 

1 In his practical adoption of the Christian injunction, ' Freely ye have 
received, freely give,' and in the courtesy with which he gives credit to 
others for a will as good as his own, the king shews himself a true Christian 
gentleman. ' Ic de bebiode dset du do, swce ic geliefe ctcet die wille, dset du 
de dissa worulddinga to daem gesemetige, swge du oftost maege, daet du done 
wisdom de de God sealde deer dsir du hiene befaestan maege, befaeste. 
Gedenc hwelc witu us da becomon for disse worulde, da da we hit nohwaeder 
ne selfe ne lufodon, ne eac 5drum monnum ne lefdon: done naman anne 
we lufodon daette we Cristne wseren, ond swide feawe da deawas, I bid thee 
(the bishop to whom the copy of the translation was addressed) to do, as I 
believe that thou art willing, that is, to disengage thyself from these worldly 
matters as often as thou canst, to the end that thou bestow, where thou canst, 
the wisdom that God hath given thee. Consider what punishments would 
come upon us hi regard to this zuorld, when we neither loved it ourselves, 
nor allowed it to other men ; the name only of being Christians we should 
love, and very few of the practices.' Preface to the translation of the Cura 
Pastoralis. 

2 Ongemang odrum mislicum ond manigfealdum bisgum disses kyne- 
rices. ib. 

3 It is interesting to learn from Alfred himself how he worked. ' I 
began to turn the book into English that is called in Latin Pastoralis, and 
in English ' Herd-book,' sometimes word for word, sometimes sense for 
sense, as I learned it from Plegmund my archbishop, and from Asser my 
bishop, and from Grimbold my mass-priest, and from John my mass-priest. 
After I had learned it then, as I understood it, and as I could most 
intelligibly explain it, I turned it into English.' 



154 Outlines of the History of the English Language 

as shewing the actual condition of the language at the date of 

writing, is evident. For the furtherance of knowledge in 

another direction he translated the general his- 

of T Oros^s° ry tor y of 0rosius ^ and of this work a M S. (not 
quite complete) dating from the 9th century 
has been preserved. In the Orosius, as in the Pastoral Care, 
Alfred is seen not only as a translator; he has contributed 
original material which, beside being interesting from its 
connection with him, is of considerable interest intrinsically. 
The introductory geographical chapter of the original is sup- 
plemented by a detailed account of Germanic Europe. In this 
Alfred has incorporated the narratives of two travellers, one of 
whom, Ohthere, a Norwegian of Halogaland, had sailed round 
the North Cape and made his way into the White Sea; the 
other, Wulf stan, had explored the Baltic. It is, then, to Alfred 
that we owe the first specimens in a department of the litera- 
ture — the literature of Voyages and Travels — which in later 
times has been so extensive, and which has interested so many 
readers. 2 To a third work of Alfred — the 
soiatione * Phiio- translation of Boethius' De Consolatione Phi- 
sophiaeoi losophiae* — an even stronger personal interest 

Boethius. r o- r 

attaches than to the two already noticed. From 

1 Orosius was a Spanish priest, who in 410 becoming acquainted with 
Augustine was persuaded by him to write a historical work with the special 
object of refuting the charge brought against Christianity of bringing ruin on 
the Roman world. His work naturally found favour with the clergy, and 
it is therefore not surprising that it takes its place among books that were 
translated by one who acted under such direction as did Alfred, (v. pre- 
ceding note.) 

2 To all such readers the words which introduce the narratives in 
question, " Ohthere saede his hlaforde, /Klfrede cyninge," and " Wulfstan 
ssede," may suggest scenes, in which the part of hearer, played by the king, 
excites their sympathetic interest. 

8 In this case the Christianity of the author translated was not in- 
dubitable, as it was in the case of Gregory and Orosius. But whether 
Boethius was a Christian or not, his work was of such a character that there 
was nothing in it which the translator would consider inconsistent with 



Chapter IX 155 

the character of the subject-matter of the original there was 
opportunity for a translator, who allowed himself such free- 
dom as was possible in the method that Alfred declares his 
own to have been, 1 to introduce his own thoughts, and shew 
something of his own inner life. How far translation was at 
times substituted for original composition the very interesting 
passage, in which the king gives his ideas upon the duties of 
the kingly office, will shew; and at the same time it may serve 
as a specimen of early English prose. The original Latin has 
simply: 'Turn ego, Scis, inquam, ipsa minimum nobis am- 
bitionem mortalium rerum fuisse dominatum; sed materiam 
gerendis rebus optavimus, quo ne virtus tacita consenesceret.' 
In these words the king seems to recognize the brief state- 
ment of his own case; so quite in accord with his principle of 
giving 'sense for sense ' (andgit of ' andgiete) , instead of literally 
rendering the words of Boethius, he states that case more 
fully. 

(On the italicized words see § 15.) 

pddt Mod 2 Jms cwaed : Eala, The Mind thus spoke : Ah, 

Gesceadwisnes, 2 hwaet Reason, thou knowest that never 

of Alfred's ^ u wast ^^ me n8e f re did covetousness and greed for 

original seo gitsung and seo earthly power over-well please me 

composi- ge?7iceg<? ]?isses eord- nor did I at all over-much long for 

lican anwealdes for wel earthly rule, but tools, however, I 

ne licode, ne ic ealles forswide ne did desire, and material for the work 

girnde pisses eordlican rices, buton that was bidden me to do; that was 
tola ic zuilnode )>eah and andweorces 
to J?am weorce pe me beboden wses 
to wyrcanne; J?aet wses J?aet ic un- 

Christianity, and the translation is a Christian work. The earliest MS. of 
the translation belongs to the ioth century, and so is somewhat later than 
Alfred's time. Its language differs somewhat from that of the Pastoral Care 
and of the Orosius, and is thought to shew some of the peculiarities of the 
Kentish dialect. 

1 v. p. 153, n. 3. 

2 The two persons of the dialogue, Boethius and Philosophy, are 
represented in Alfred's translation by the Mind (Mod) and Reason 
(Gesceadwisnes) . 



1 56 Outlines of the History of the English Language 



fracodlice zndgerisenlicemihte steo- 
ran and reccan j^one anzuald fie me 
be fee st waes. Hwaet j^u wast >aet nan 
mon ne maeg naenne craeft cydan ne 
naenne amveald reccan ne stioran 
buton tolum and andweorce. paet 
bid aelces craeftes andiveorc j?aet mon 
>one craeft buton wyrcan ne maeg. 
paet bid >onne cyninges andweorc 
and his tol mid to ricsianne, J>aet he 
haebbe his lond fullmonnad ; he sceal 
habban gebedmen and fyrdmen and 
weorcmen. Hwaet >u wast j?sette 
butan Hssan tolan nan cyning his 
craeft ne mseg cydan, paet is eac 
his ondweorc ]?set he habban sceal to 
daem tolum j?am j?rim geferscipum 
biwiste. past is >onne heora biwist : 
land to bugianne, and gifta, and 
waepnu, and mete, and ealo, and 
cla)?as, and gehwaet }?aes f?e >a >re 
geferscipas behofiad. Ne mseg he 
butan >issum >as tol gehealdan, ne 
buton ]?isum tolum nan )?ara Hnga 
wyrcan^ him beboden is to wyrcenne. 
For J?y ic wilnode andweorces J^one 
anweald mid to reccenne, ]?aet mine 
crseftas and anweald ne wurden 
forgitene and forholene. For >am 
selc craeft and selc anweald bid sona 
forealdod and forsugod, gif he bid 
buton wisdome; for dsem ne maeg 
nan mon naenne craeft ford bringan 
buton wisdome; for daem de swa 
hwaet swa }?urh dysig dedon bid, ne 
maeg hit mon naefre to craefte ge- 
reccan. paet is nu hradost to 
secganne, j?aet ic wilnode weorrffullice 
to libbanne )?a hwile \>e ic lifde, and 
aefter minum life J?aem monnum to 
laefanne pe aefter me waeren min 
gemynd on godum weorcum. 1 

1 Boethius, Bk, 



that honourably and properly I 
might guide and direct the power 
that was committed to me. Why, 
thou knowest that no man can shew 
forth any craft, or direct and guide 
any power, without tools and ma- 
terial. The material of every craft 
is that, without which the craft can- 
not be practised. This, then, is the 
material of a king, and his tools to 
rule with, that he have his land 
full-manned; he must have men to 
pray and men to fight and men to 
work. Why, thou knowest that 
without these tools no king can 
shew forth his craft. That, too, is 
his material that he must have in 
addition to the tools, provision for 
the three fellowships. This, then, 
is their provision : land to inhabit, 
and gifts, and weapons, and meat, 
and ale, and clothes, all that the 
three fellowships need. He cannot 
without these preserve these tools, 
nor without these tools do any of 
the things that is bidden him to do. 
Therefore I desired material where- 
with to direct the power, that my 
crafts and power should not get 
forgotten and concealed. For every 
craft and every power will become 
obsolete and be passed over in 
silence, if it is without wisdom; for 
no man can bring forth any craft 
without wisdom; for whatever is 
done by folly, that no man can ever 
account as a craft. To be brief, I 
desired to live honourably while I 
lived, and after my life to leave to 
the men that were after me a me- 
morial of me in good works. 

11. prosa 7. 



Chapter IX 157 

4. Besides these works, mostly, though not entirely, trans- 
lations, which may certainly * be attributed to 

Alfred and 

Alfred, the Old English literature probably has the oid Eng- 
to thank him for its most remarkable specimens ! 1J ! h Chron - 

r icles. 

of original prose — the Chronicles. The rela- 
tions to one another of the MSS. — seven in number — in 
which these are preserved, need not be discussed here, 2 but 
one point connected with them deserves notice : viz., that as 
far as the year 892 they all seem to have had a common origi- 
nal. Further, the handwriting and the language of the earliest 
part of the oldest MS. belong to about the end of the 9th 
century. Again, while for the years before the middle of the 
9th century the entries are for the most part brief, after that 
date, and consequently in times of which Alfred had know- 
ledge, they become full, and seem to have been made not long 
after the events which they describe had taken place. 3 These 
conditions certainly favour the supposition, which is quite 
in accordance with all that we know of him, that the common 
original spoken of just above is closely connected with Alfred; 
and in the absence of any direct evidence the views expressed 
in the following passage will probably meet with general 
acceptance. To whom are we to attribute this earliest form 4 
of the national Chronicle? I have no hesitation in declaring 
that in my opinion the popular answer is in this case the right 

1 Until recently the Old English version of Bede's Ecclesiastical History 
was attributed to Alfred, but its later editor, Dr. Miller (in the Early English 
Text Society's Publications, Nos. 95, 96, no, 11 1), brings evidence to shew 
that the t most archaic of the MSS. originated in North Mercia, and belongs 
to the 10th century.' As a translation it differs very much from Alfred's 
known work, often following the Latin with painful fidelity. 

2 See Two Saxon Chronicles, ed. Plummer, the Introduction to Vol. II. 
8 The first person is used by the writer of the Chronicle in the entry of 

893 : On >ysum geare for se micla here J?e we gefyrn ymbe spraecon; and 
again in 897 : Ic $a geftungnestan nemde. 

4 The original of the part, coming down to 892, which is common to all 
the MSS. 



158 Outlines of the History of the English Language 

one : it is the work of Alfred the Great. I do not mean that 
the actual task of compiling the Chronicle from the earlier 
materials was necessarily performed by Alfred, though I can 
well fancy that he may have dictated some of the later annals 
which describe his own wars. But that the idea of a national 
Chronicle as opposed to merely local annals was his, that the 
idea was carried out under his direction and supervision, this 
I do most firmly believe. And we may, I think, safely place 
in the forefront of the Chronicle the inscription which encir- 
cles Alfred's Jewel: Aelfred mec heht gewyrcan, 'Alfred 
ordered me to be made.' * 

5. The following extract, which is interest- 

Old English . . .. ,. 9 / 

prose illustrated in g as dealing with naval matters, may serve as 
from the a S p ec i me n of Early English prose: it occurs 

under the year 897 : 

py ilcan geare drehton ]?a hergas In the same year the Danes in 

on East-Englum and on Nordhym- East Anglia and in Northumbria 

brum Westseaxna lond swide be harassed Wessex very much by the 

daemsudstaedemidstaelhergum,ealra south coast with marauding bands, 

swi}?ust mid daem aescum J?e hie fela most of all with the ' asks ' (boats) 

geara aer timbredon. pa het ^Elfred that they many years before had 

cyng timbran langscipu ongen da built. Then king Alfred gave orders 

aescas ; )?a waeron fulneah tu swa to build long ships against the* asks'; 

lange swa j?a odru ; sume haefdon they were well nigh twice as long as 

.lx. ara, sume ma; J?a waeron aegder the others; some had 60 oars, some 

ge swiftran ge unwealtran ge eac more; they were both swifter and 

hieran }>onne J?a odru ; naeron naw- steadier and also higher than the 

der ne on Fresisc gescaepene ne on others; they were built neither on 

Denisc, bute swa him selfum duhte Frisian nor on Danish lines, but as 

1 Two Saxon Chronicles, ed. Plummer, Vol. II. p. civ. For the con- 
tinuations of the work so begun, as they are found in different MSS., see the 
same edition. It maybe noted thatGaimar (12th century) connects Alfred 
with the Chronicle : 

II fist ecrivere un livre Engleis, 
Des aventures, e des leis, 
Et de batailles de la terre, 
Et des reis ki firent la guere. 



Chapter IX 



159 



J>aet hie nytwyrdoste beon meahten. 
pa aet sumum cirre }>aes ilcan geares 
comon J?aer sex scipu to Wiht, and 
)>aer mycel yfel gedydon, aegder ge 
on Defenum ge welhwaer be daem 
saeriman. pa het se cyng faran mid 
nigonum to J?ara niwena scipa, and 
forforon him j?one mudan foran on 
utermere. pa foron hie mid )?rim 
scipum ut ongen hie, and >reo 
stodon set ufeweardum ]?aem mudan 
on drygum, waeron J>a men uppe on 
londe of agane. pa gefengon hie 
}?ara J?reora scipa tu set daem mudan 
uteweardum, and }?a men ofslogon, 
and J?aet an oftwand ; on J?aem waeron 
eac ]?a men ofslaegene buton fifum : 
J?a comon for dy onweg de dara 
o}?erra scipu asaeton. pa wurdon 
eac swide unedelice aseten; }?reo 
asaeton on da healfe J>aes deopes de 
da Deniscan scipu aseten waeron, 
and i?a odru eall on o}>re healfe, J?aet 
hira ne mehte nan to odrum. Ac 
da )>aet waeter waes ahebbad fela 
furlanga from>aem scipum, )>a eodan 
da Deniscan from }?aem ]?rim scipum 
to t>aem odrum |?rim \>e on hira healfe 
beebbaede waeron, and hie J?a i?aer ge- 
fuhton. paer weard ofslaegen...ealra 
monna Fresiscra and Engliscra .lxii. 
and j?ara Deniscena .cxx. pa com 
J?aem Deniscum scipum |?eh aer flod 
to, aer \>2, Cristnan mehten hira ut 
ascufan, and hie for dy ut odreowon ; 
\>a. waeron hie to J>aem gesargode, 
J?aet hie ne mehton Sud-seaxna 
lond utan berowan, ac hira J?aer tu 



it seemed to himself that they could 
be most serviceable. Then one time 
that year there came six ships to the 
Isle of Wight, and there did much 
mischief, both in Devon and every- 
where by the coast. Then the king 
gave orders to go to the place with 
nine of the new ships, and they 
blockaded the mouth of the river 
for them (the Danes), lying ready 
for them outside. Then they (the 
Danes) went with three ships out to 
meet them, and three lay up the 
mouth on dry ground, the men had 
gone off up inland. Then they (the 
English) took two of the three ships 
outside the mouth, and slew the 
men, and the one escaped; in that 
too the men were slain except five : 
they got away because the others' 
ships grounded. They had got 
grounded too very inconveniently; 
three grounded on the side of the 
water that the Danish ships were 
aground, and the others all on the 
other side, so that none of them 
could get to the other. But when 
the water was ebbed many furlongs 
from the ships, then the Danes went 
from the three ships to the other 
three, that had been left high and 
dry by the ebb-tide on their side, 
and they fought there then. There 
were slain of all the men Frisian 
and English 62, and of the Danes 
120. Then however the flood came 
to the Danish ships before the 
Christians could shove theirs out, 
and so they rowed off out to sea; 
they had been so wounded though, 
that they could not row round 
Sussex, but two of them the sea 



160 Outlines of the History of the English Language 

sae on lond wearp, and J?a men mon there cast ashore, and the men were 

lsedde to Winteceastre to J?aem cynge, carried to Winchester to the king, 

and he hie dser ahon het. And \>2, and he gave orders to hang them 

men comon on East-Engle J?e on there. And the men came to East 

}>aem anum scipe wseron swide for- Anglia that were on the one ship 

wundode. very severely wounded. 

Only one entry intervenes between this record of Alfred's 
activity and the notice of his death; the opening words of the 
annal for 901 are: 'Her gefor ^Elf red Apulfing. ' But the work 
he had begun did not cease with his death; in different 
religious houses, such as Winchester, Canterbury, and Peter- 
borough, records seem to have been kept, and the Chronicle of 
each house was from time to time brought up to date, 1 with the 
result that we have the seven MSS. already referred to. That 
which is connected with Peterborough shews the old practice 
longest continued; the last of its annals occurs under the 
date 1154, so that at least two hundred and fifty years lie 
between the earliest and latest entries of the MSS. 2 Certainly 
in the Chronicle and in his translations we may still see the 
realisation of Alfred's desire, that he might leave to the men 
that were after him a memorial of himself in good works. 

6. There are other works than these just mentioned that have 
been connected with Alfred's name, but which 

Other works ' 

associated for different reasons can hardly be considered to 

with Alfred. ^ Q | e q Ua i importance with them. An English 
translation of Augustine's Soliloquies and his letter 'De videndo 
deo ' exists in a MS. of the 12th century, and concludes with 
the words : Hser endiad da cwidas pe Alfred killing alaes of 
paere bee j>e we hatad. . . {Here end the sentences that king 
Alfred selected from the book that we call . .). The correctness 

1 See, for instance, the variety of hands in the MS. which is generally 
supposed to have belonged to Winchester. Plummer's edition, Vol. II. 
p. xxv. 

2 As interesting specimens of English prose, besides the account of 
Alfred's reign, the account of his son, Edward's, of Ethelred's, and of 
Stephen's may be cited. 



Chapter IX 161 

of the statement has been called in question by some scholars, 
but its English editor, Cockayne, accepts Alfred's authorship; 
in any case, however, so late a copy has not the interest which 
belongs to a contemporary MS. In The Shrine? where this 
work is printed, the same editor gives an Old English Martyrol- 
ogy, of which he says : 'We must conclude that this Martyrology 
is of the age of Alfred ; it is further directly indebted to that 
king himself, and doubtless composed under his direction.' It 
is not necessary to say more on this point ; for the main object 
of the chapter, which is to suggest that the amount of material 
contained in the Old English specimens is considerable, will not 
be affected by doubts as to the authorship of any particular work. 

7. But be the list of his works what it may, it was not by 
them only that Alfred benefited English litera- 

. Alfred's 

ture. The men that were after him had his influence on 
example to influence them, and in this way we later times — 
may connect with him the greatest of the Old 
English prose writers. JEliric, in the preface to the first series 
of his Homilies, gives as the reason for undertaking that work, 
that for those who did not know Latin there were no books 
containing Gospel teaching, except those 'that King Alfred 
turned from Latin into English.' The need which Alfred had 
recognised was still present, and the means which Alfred used 
to meet it were those adopted by ^Elfric, whose aim may be 
fairly described by the words which set forth that which Alfred 
proposed to himself and to the scholars of his time, 'that some 
of the books, that may be most necessary for all men to know, 
that those we turn into the language that we all can understand. ' 

8. Naturally their different positions led Alfred and 
^Elfric 2 to look in somewhat different directions ^i fric » s 

for such books. zElfric was a theologian, an writings. 

1 The Shrine. A collection of occasional papers on dry subjects. 
Rev. O. Cockayne, 1864-70. The Martyrology may also be found in the 
E. E. T. Society's publications for 1900 (No. 116). The views of the 
editor differ somewhat from those of Cockayne. 

2 JElfvic was a pupil of Athelwold, bishop of Winchester (d. 984). His 

M 



1 62 Outlines of the History of the English Language 

ecclesiastic, and a teacher, and in all his writings one or 
other character is apparent. Under the first head he is 
represented by his Homilies? of which he compiled three 
series, each originally containing forty discourses; by his 
Biblical translations and adaptations, in which the following 
parts of the Scriptures were more or less completely rendered 
into English — the Pentateuch, the books of Joshua, Judges, 
Kings, Daniel, Job, Esther, Maccabees, (probably) Judith; 
by his treatise on the Old and New Testament, which forms a 
practical historical introduction to the Scriptures; and (pro- 
bably) by the Old English abridgement of Alcuin's work on 
Genesis. As an ecclesiastic he is seen in the Pastoral Letter 

first known work, written when he was a * monk and mass-priest,' was 
completed not long after 990, as it is dedicated to Archbishop Sigeric 
(archbishop of Canterbury from 990 to 994). In later writings he speaks of 
himself as abbot, and it was probably in the abbey of Eynsham, in Oxford- 
shire, that he held this office. Before attaining this dignity he had lived for 
some time at Cernel (Cerne Abbas in Dorset). The time of his death is 
not known. 

1 As descriptive of these three books of Homilies ^Elfric's own words 
about them may be quoted : * We translated in the two former books the 
passions and the lives of the saints that the English honour with festivals. 
Now it has seemed good to us that we should write this book (the third 
series) about the passions and lives of the saints that monks in their services 
honour amongst themselves. ' With regard to the style in the three series 
it may be noted that while in the first two alliteration is often used, the 
third series is almost entirely metrical. Besides these collections there are 
single tracts, similar in kind to the Homilies, which either certainly or with 
great probability may be connected with yElfric. To the latter class belong 
the translations of St Basil's Hexameron and of the same writer's Advice to 
a Spiritual Son. While speaking of these works of ^Elfric it may be 
remarked, that not only directly, by furnishing considerable specimens of 
the language, have they been of service to the study of Old English, but 
also indirectly. The reformers of the 16th century considered that his 
writings enabled them to appeal to the example of the Early English Church 
in support of their views on many points in which they differed from Rome, 
and this led to the search for Anglo-Saxon MSS. and, as in the case of 
Archbishop Parker, to the collecting of a considerable number which might 
otherwise have been lost. 



Chapter IX 163 

which he wrote for Bishop Wulf sige, to be used by that prelate 
in addressing his subordinate clergy, through whose 'froward- 
ness the canon laws, and the religion and doctrines of holy 
church were destroyed ' \ and in a similar composition made 
for Archbishop Wulfstan. From ^Elfric the teacher we have 
the first Latin-English Grammar, which he compiled for 
the use of boys in the monastic schools; and the Latin- 
English Glossary, which is found in seven out of the fifteen 
existing MSS. of the grammar, is almost certainly by him 1 ; to 
him, also, with great probability is attributed the Old English 
abridgement of Bede's work De Temporibus, which, like the 
grammar, may have served as a text-book in the monastic 
schools. 

If, now, we consider the variety and extent of the 
subject-matter which is contained in the works that in 
the preceding paragraph have been attributed to ^Elfric, we 
may see how much it says for the development of the 
native language-material, that almost exclusively by means 
of such material was that subject-matter expressed. The 
matter may have been obtained from Latin sources, but 
the language of the source left little trace on the language 
of the writer. 

9. As a specimen of ^Elfric's writing may be given the 
following passage, which at the same time, per- specimen 
haps, may illustrate the feeling towards the of ^lfric's 
secular clergy that was entertained by some of prc 
the followers of Dunstan and Athelwold; it is taken from the 
prefatory epistle to the translation of Genesis : 

1 ^Elfric's Latin teaching may be further illustrated by the interesting 
Latin colloquy which seems to have been intended to take its place in the 
schools alongside the Grammar and Glossary. In the MS. which gives 
what seems the original form of the Colloquy the Latin text is provided 
with English glosses, but as these are hardly the work of yElfric, the 
composition does not call for notice when speaking of him as an English 
author. 



164 Outlines of the History of the English Language 



(On the italicized words see § 15.) 

Nu Hncd me, J?set ]?aet weorc is 
swirfe pleolic me odde aenigum men 
to underbeginnenne; for ban pe ic 
ondrcede, gif sum dysig man )?as boc 
raet odde raedan gehyrd, baet he wille 
wenan >aet he mote lybban nu on 
baere niwan ce swa swa ]?a ealdan 
faederas leofodon pa on j?aere tide, 
aer ban /*? seo ealde ce gesett waere, 
odde swa swa men leofodon under 
Moyses ce. Hwilon ic wiste }?set 
sum maessepreost, se pe min magister 
waes on bam timan, haefde j?a boc 
Genesis, and he cude be daele Lyden 
understandan; pa cwaed he be bam 
heahfadere Iacobe, )?aet he haefde 
feower wif. Ful sod he saede, ac he 
nyste ne ic pa git, hu micel todal 
ys betweohx baere ealdan ce and j?aere 
niwan. ... pa ungelceredan preostas, 
gif hi hwaet litles understandad of 
bam Lydenbocum, bonne >incd him 
sona, bast hi magon mcere lareowas 
beon, ac hi ne cunnon swa J?eah J?aet 
gastlice andgit J?aerto, and hu seo 
ealde ce waes getacnung toweardra 
j?inga, odde hu seo niwe gecydnis 
aefter Cristes menniscnysse waes ge- 
filiednys ealra j?aera J?mga pe seo 
ealde gecydnis getacnode towearde 
be Criste and be hys gecorenum... 
We secgad eac foran-to, J>aet seo boc 
is swide deop gastlice to under- 
standenne, and we ne writad na 
mare buton ba nacedan gerecednisse. 
ponne joined dam ungelaredum, j?aet 
eall bset andgit beo belocen on J?aere 
anfealdan gerecednisse, ac hit ys 
swide feor J?am. 



Now methinks that the work 
(the translation of Genesis) is very 
perilous for me or for any man to 
undertake ; for I fear, if some foolish 
man reads this book or hears it read, 
that he will suppose, that he may 
live now in the new law, as the 
patriarchs lived then, in the time 
before the old law was instituted, or 
as men lived under Moses' law. 
Once I knew that a certain priest, 
who was my master at that time, 
had the book of Genesis, and he 
could imperfectly understand Latin; 
then he said about the patriarch 
Jacob, that he had four wives. He 
said what was quite true, but he 
did not know, nor did I at that 
time, how much difference there is 
between the old law and the new. . . . 
The unlearned priests, if they under- 
stand some little out of Latin books, 
then it seems to them at once, that 
they can be great teachers; but they 
do not know however the spiritual 
sense in these cases, and how the 
old law was a symbolizing of things 
to come, or how the New Testa- 
ment after Christ's incarnation was 
the fulfilment of all those things 
that the Old Testament had shewn 
symbolically were to happen con- 
cerning Christ and his elect. . . . We 
say, too, beforehand, that the book 
is very deep to understand spiritually, 
and we shall write no more but the 
bare narrative; then it will seem to 
the unlearned, that all the meaning 
is included in the simple narrative, 
which is very far from being the 
case. 



Chapter IX 165 

10. In Alfred and ^Elfric we have the representative 
writers of the early and late stages respectively 

1 ^1 1 A. 1- 1 1 1 1 ■ Wulfstan-- 

of cultivated Old English, though each wrote in h is style in 
times, which from the same cause were adverse contrast with 

. ^lfric's. 

to scholarship. That such adverse conditions 
existed for Alfred we may learn from his writings, but in those 
of ^Elfric there is little to suggest that the writer did not live in 
times of peace. 1 The disasters of Ethelred's reign might have 
given occasion to the best prose writer of the time to use all 
the resources of the language in giving expression to the 
thoughts that arose in him, but no such passage can be quoted 
from ^Elfric. It is to his contemporary, Wulfstan, archbishop 
of York, that we must turn for a preacher whom the circum- 
stances of the time moved to speak, and the following passage 
may at once serve as a specimen of a style different from that 
of yElfric, and give a picture that will further illustrate the 
relations of English and Dane referred to in a previous 
chapter : 

And hu maeg mare scamu Jnirh And how can more shame through 

Godes yrre mannum gelimpan bonne God's anger befall men than does us 

us ded gelome for agenum gewyrh- again and again for our own deserts? 

turn? Deah braela hwylc hlaforde Let but any thrall run away from a 

sethleape, and of cristendome to wi- lord, and from being Christian turn 

cinge weorde, and hit aefter J?am eft pirate, and let it afterwards come to 

geweorde j?set wsepngewrixl weorde pass that there happen crossing of 

gemsene begene and brsele ; gyf weapons between thane and thrall; 

brsel baene begen fullice afylle, liege if a thrall strike the thane down 

segylde ealre his masgde ; and gyf se dead, he (the thane) shall lie without 

begen bsene brael be he ser ahte wergild paid to any of his kin; and 

if the thane strike the thrall down 
dead, that he before had owned, he 

1 Only very slight evidence could be got from .^lfric's writings that the 
Danes were ravaging England, such for instance as his remark on the 
translation of the book of Judith : * It is translated into English as an 
example for you men, that you may defend your country against the foe that 
attacks it'; or his illustration of Jus turn bellum as 'war with the fierce 
seamen or with other people that want to destroy the country.' 



1 66 Outlines of the History of the English Language 



fullice afylle, gylde )?egengylde. Ne 
dohte hit nu lange inne ne ute, ac 
waes here and hete on gewelhwilcum 
ende oft and gelome, and Engle nu 
lange eal sigelease, and to swyde 
geyrgde ]?urh Godes yrre, and flotmen 
swa strange j?urh Godes ge^afunge, 
>aet oft on gefeohte an fysed tyne, 
and twegen oft twentig, eal for 
urum synnum. And oft Israel }?aene 
}?egen j?e ser wses his hlaford cnyt 
swyde fseste, and wyrcl? him to fcrsele 
Jrnrh Godes yrre. Wala daere yrmde 
and wala >aere woruldscame \>e nu 
habbad Engle eal \>mh Godes yrre. 
Oft twegen saemen odde J?ry drifad 
)>a drafe cristenra manna fram sae 
to sae ut durh J>as J?eode gewelede 
togaedere us eallum to woruldscame, 
gyf we on eornost aenige scame, 
cudan. Ac ealne J?aene bysmor \>e 
we oft Goliad we gyldad mid weord- 
scipe >am be us scendad; we him 
gyldad singallice, and hy us hynad 
daeghwamlice. Hy hergad and hy 
bernad, rypad and reafiad, and to 
scipe laeda ; and la hwaet is aenig 
oder on eallum j?am gelimpum butan 
Godes yrre ofer J?as }>eode swutol 
and gesene? 



11. 



shall pay a thane's wergild. It has 
not gone well with us now for a 
long time past, but there has been 
wasting and war in every quarter 
often and often, and the English 
now for long past have been un- 
victorious, and have been made 
faint-hearted through God's anger, 
and the seamen (Danes) are so 
strong through God's consent, that 
often in fight one puts to flight ten, 
and two often twenty, all for our 
sins. And often a thrall binds fast 
the thane that before was his lord, 
and makes (him) his thrall, through 
God's anger. Alas for the misery 
and alas for the shame that the 
English now have all through God's 
anger. Often two seamen (Danes) 
or three drive the droves of Christian 
men from sea to sea out through 
this people banded together to the 
shame of us all, if we indeed could 
feel any shame. But all the disgrace 
that we often suffer we pay with 
honour to those that put us to shame; 
we pay them continually, and they 
humble us daily. They harry and 
they burn, rob and reave, and carry 
on board; and behold, is any other 
thing in all that happens, except 
God's anger over this people, mani- 
fest and visible? 



Of other works than those already noticed little more 
than the names can be given; but a mere list of 
them, if the character and variety of the subjects 
they treat be considered, may serve both as a 
further illustration of the influence of Chris- 
tianity on Old English literature, and as an 
indication of the extent of the vocabulary they contain. 



Other Old 
English prose 
works grouped 
according to 
subjects. 



Chapter IX 167 

Religious and Ecclesiastical writings. 

Biblical translation. The first fifty Psalms (of the re- 
mainder there is a metrical rendering); the Gospels; the 
Gospel of Nicodemus. 

Homilies. The Blickling Homilies, a collection of nine- 
teen, preserved in a MS. at Blickling. 

Ecclesiastical. A translation of the Benedictine Rule; 
translations of Ecgbert's Confessional and Penitential; an 
English Indicia Monasterialia (an account of the signs to be 
used instead of speech, when the rule of the monastery imposed 
silence). 

Ecclesiastical Biography. The Life of St Guthlac. 

Scientific writings. 

Bridferth's Enchiridion, in which arithmetical, astronomi- 
cal, and grammatical points are treated. Bridferth taught in 
the school at Ramsey, and is supposed to have been the best 
English mathematician in the latter half of the 10th century. 

Medical works. Translations of the Herbarium of Apuleius 
and of the Medicina de Quadrupe dibits of Sextus Placitus; 
several books of prescriptions and recipes. These collections 
are particularly noticeable as giving a very large number of 
English plant-names. 1 

Legal documents. From the time of ^Ethelbert of Kent, 
the first English king to receive Christianity, there are the laws 
passed in the reigns of many of the English kings. These 
contain a considerable technical vocabulary of legal terms. 2 

Charters. There is a considerable number of these in 
English as well as in Latin. As in either case the boundaries 

1 The amount of material contained in these medical works will be seen 
at a glance on turning to the edition of them by Cockayne, in the Master of 
the Rolls Series, which occupies three volumes. 

2 A comparison of the later with the earliest laws may shew how, 
during the period in which the influences connected with Christianity were 
operative, the language was steadily advancing from the stage it had 
reached at the time when Christianity was introduced. 



1 68 Outlines of the History of the English Language 

of land, when that is the subject of grant, are given in English, 
the charters contain many words denoting the natural features 
of the country. 

Wills. Of these there are several specimens. Numerating, 
as they do, the different articles of property, whose disposition 
they determine, their vocabulary is often interesting. 

Rural Economy. There is a short treatise on the rights 
and duties of the several persons employed upon an estate, and 
another on the office of a reeve. From the two may be gained 
a pretty complete agricultural vocabulary. 

Historical writings. Some fragments, dealing with native 
history, are given by Cockayne at the end of the third volume 
of his Leechdoms ; and as a representative of ancient history 
there is a translation of Alexander's epistle to Aristotle. 

Fiction. This is represented by the translation of the story, 
so long popular, Apollonius of Tyre. 

Other widtings. Short treatises on the interpretation of 
dreams and on prognostics by the moon's age, and a number 
of charms may illustrate the superstitions which were not 
eradicated by Christianity; the Dialogue of Salomon and 
Saturn gives a sort of catechism of general knowledge; and a 
collection of proverbs offers some specimens of the native 
mother-wit. 

12. Besides these works, which give not only an English 
vocabulary, but also the native construction, 
Glossaries' 11 th ere are others which give only an English 
vocabulary. These are the glosses to Latin 
works, in which all or the more difficult Latin words were 
accompanied by the English equivalents. Several MSS. of the 
Psalms have been so treated, and the MS. at Lambeth Palace 
contains, besides glosses to the Psalms, glosses to the Apostles' 
and Athanasian Creeds, and to many of the ' songs ' (e.g. the 
Song of Moses) found in the Bible; there are interlinear ver- 
sions of a Hymnarium, of the Benedictine Rule, of the De 
Consuetudine Monachorum, of the Liber Scintillarum, of 



Chapter IX 169 

Gregory's Dialogues ; and glosses to works of Aldhelm and 
Prudentius. 

Lastly, there are the Latin-English glossaries, 1 one of which, 
^Elfric's, has already been mentioned. In some cases these are 
arranged according to subjects, in other a nearer approach 
has been made to the modern dictionary by arranging the 
Latin words more or less in alphabetical order. 

13. With the same general objects in view as those set 
forth in the case of the above list of prose 
specimens a brief mention may now be made of ligature* 10 * 1 
the poems that have not already been noticed in 
Chap. vii. Old Testament story furnishes material for Old 
English verse from the books of Genesis, Exodus, and Daniel; 
to Christian sources were due Cynewulf's Crist, and poems 
whose subjects were The Harrowing of Hell, Doom's-day, The 
Dream of the Rood, The Departed SouP s Address to the Body ; 
the heroes of the Church give occasion for poems on The Fates 
of the Apostles, on St Juliana and St Guthlac, and for a 
Menelogium ; the legend of the finding of the Cross is the 
subject of Cynewulf's Elene; poems on The Phenix, The 
Whale, and the Panther give a Christian application to mythi- 
cal natural history; and metrical renderings of Scripture are 
represented by a turning of the last hundred Psalms into Old 
English verse, and by a similar treatment of the Lord's Prayer. 

Of a secular character, though not without allusions to 
Christianity, are poems on the various gifts, fates, and dis- 
positions of men; on the advice of a father to his son; and 
the verses in the Chronicle on Edmund, Edgar, Alfred, Ethel- 
red's son, and Edward the Confessor. Corresponding with 
the Boethius, the Dialogue of Salomon and Saturn, and the 
collection of Proverbs in the prose, may be placed the metrical 
version of the metres in Boethius, the poetical Dialogue of 

1 A reference to Wright's two volumes of Vocabularies, or to Wulcker's 
later edition of the same, will shew the amount of English material which 
is thus recorded with a Latin equivalent. 



170 Outlines of the History of the English Language 

Salomon and Saturn, and a collection of Gnomic verses in the 
poetry. Light literature is represented by a collection of about 
eighty riddles in verse. 

Freer from foreign influence than any of the preceding, and 
better shewing the spirit of the native poetry, are the short 
poems, The Wanderer, The Seafarer, The Ruin, Deor' s Lament, 
The Wife^s Lament, and the fragment The Fight at Finnesburg. 

A literature that contains so much as is given in the above 
lists (which do not profess to be exhaustive) may, taking all 
the circumstances into account, fairly claim to be spoken of 
as considerable, and may be expected to afford material from 
which a knowledge of the language, in which it is written, can 
be gained. 

14. It must be remembered, however, that this language 

was not the form of speech everywhere current 
Mercian, and in England. It is the language of Wessex that 
Northumbrian triey represent. In other parts of the country 

specimens. , A J 

different forms were to be found, and of them 
specimens, though comparatively scanty ones, have been pre- 
served. For instance, there are specimens of a Kentish dialect 
in some charters, and in some glosses on the book of Proverbs; 
the dialect of Mercia is seen in interlinear glosses of the Psalms 
and of some hymns; in the dialect of the North are written 
interlinear glosses of the Gospels and of the Durham Ritual, a 
few verses of Bede, and some Runic inscriptions. There are 
some other works which do not belong to Wessex, but those 
mentioned may be enough to suggest the existence of dialects 
and the comparative extent of the specimens belonging to 
them. 

15. In the preceding paragraphs an attempt has been 

made to give some idea of the extent of the Old 
tion of the old English specimens; the importance to Modern 
English voca- English of the material they contain may be 

bulary in that ° , J J 

of Modern appreciated, if it be noticed how great an amount 

English - Q £ t j lat mater j a i gijjj forms part of the vocabulary. 



Chapter IX 



171 



The point may be illustrated by reference to the illustration 
passages from Alfred's translation of Boethius oTTifred and S 
and from ^Elfric's preface to Genesis, which are aaifrfe* 
quoted in this chapter. In them, words no longer in use are 
italicised, and it will be seen at a glance that such words are 
in a minority. Moreover in the case of several even of these, 
though no modern forms can be directly traced to them, yet 
the material they contain is still living, This may be seen in 
the following instances : 1 



Alfred's version 


Modem English 


sm-weald 


cf. to wield (O.E. wealdan) 


rice 


bishop-rzV 


smd-weorc 


work 


be-boden (pp.) 


to bid 


be-fcest (pp.) 


fast (adj.) 


ge- bed-men 


beads-men 


iox-ealdod (pp.) 


old 


dysig (noun) 


dizzy (adj.) 


hrado^ (spve.) 


rathex (cpve.) 


weor/>-{\i\\ice 


worth-y 


jElfric 




\mdex-beginnan 


to begin 


on- dr 'cede 


to dread 


heah-fceder 


high, father 


to-dal 


dole 


/tfr-eowas 


lore 


and-^zV 


cf. to get 


menmscnys 


man 


ge-flled-riys 


filled 


foran-to 


be-fore 


an-feald 


one, fold 



The passages fairly represent Old English in respect to the 
point under consideration, so it may be seen that much of the 
material used by Alfred and ^Elfric is, of course with more or 
less modification, used by Englishmen to-day. 

1 Only the root parts of the words are noted, but the prefixes and suffixes 
would equally illustrate the point. 



172 Ou times of the History of the English Language 

16. But the Old English appeals to later times not only 
because so large a proportion of it is preserved 
ment of the by them, but also because so much of the work 

Se d m^ntby h done b y the language is done by the Old English 

later writers element in it. A few figures quoted from the 
Student's English Language will illustrate the 
second point. 1 In the vocabulary of the English Bible sixty 
per cent, of the words are native; in that of Shakspere the 
proportion is very nearly the same; while of the stock of words 
employed in the poetical works of Milton, less than thirty-three 
per cent, are Anglo-Saxon. But when we examine the propor- 
tions in which authors actually employ the words at their 
command, we find that, even in those whose total vocabulary 
embraces the greatest number of Latin and other foreign 
vocables, the Anglo-Saxon still largely predominates. Thus : 

Piers Ploughman, Introduction, contains &> per cent, of Anglo-Saxon 

words. 
Chaucer, Prologue to Canterbury Tales, first 420 verses %% per cent, of 

Anglo-Saxon words. 
Chaucer, Nonne Preestes Tale, 93 per cent, of Anglo-Saxon words. 
Spenser, Faerie Queene, Bk. ii. Canto vii. 86 per cent, of Anglo-Saxon 

words. 
S. John's Gospel, A.V., Chaps. 1., iv., xvn. 96 per cent, of Anglo-Saxon 

words. 
Shakspere, Henry IV., Part I., Act ii. 91 per cent, of Anglo-Saxon 

words. 
Milton, V Allegro, 90 per cent, of Anglo-Saxon words. 
Addison, several numbers of Spectator, 82 per cent, of Anglo-Saxon 

words. 
Pope, First Epistle, and Essay on Man, 80 per cent, of Anglo-Saxon 

words. 
Swift, John Bull, several chapters 85 per cent, of Anglo-Saxon words. 
Johnson, Preface to Dictionary, 72 per cent, of Anglo-Saxon words. 
Gibbon, Decline and Fall,Yo\. 1. Chap. vii. 70 per cent, of Anglo-Saxon 

words. 

1 The Student's English Language, by George P. Marsh, pp. 91-3. For 
a much fuller list, and for a discussion of the points illustrated by the figures, 
reference can be made to the lecture from which the quotation is made. 



Chapter IX 173 

Macaulay, Essay on Lord Bacon, 75 per cent, of Anglo-Saxon words. 

Mrs Browning, Cry of the Children, 92 per cent, of Anglo-Saxon words. 

Robert Browning, Bishop Blougram's Apology, 84 per cent, of Anglo- 
Saxon words. 

Tennyson, The Lotus Eaters, 87 per cent, of Anglo-Saxon words. 

Tennyson, Ln Memoriam, first twenty poems 89 per cent, of Anglo- 
Saxon words. 

Ruskin, Elements of Drawing, first six exercises 84 per cent, of Anglo- 
Saxon words. 

These figures may shew that, looking only to the vocabu- 
lary, the Old English element is of the highest importance to 
the modern speech, that, as Dr Morris says, 'in the works of 
our greatest writers the English element greatly preponderates ' ; 
while if the grammatical forms be also taken into account it 
will be found that the Old English element is absolutely indis- 
pensible, that, to quote the same writer, 'if we endeavour to 
speak or write without making use of the native element 
(grammar or vocabulary), we shall find that such a thing is 
impossible/ The grammatical forms of modern English, 
indeed, are all of them native, and it is of the older forms from 
which they are derived, that a brief notice must now be given 
to complete our survey of the earliest stage of the language. 



CHAPTER X 

The Early West-Saxon vowel system and the development it shews — the 
common Teutonic vowel system — changes in the consonant structure of 
words which have already taken place in the oldest English — doubling 
of consonants — loss of consonants — early writing — use of the Latin 
alphabet — use of Runes — grammatical forms common to many lan- 
guages — the noun and its inflections in modern English — inferences 
that may be drawn from them — scheme of Old English declensions — 
weak and strong declensions — early loss and confusion of grammatical 
forms — continuousness of change — later history of change — different 
conditions of Northern and Southern English — prepositions instead of 
case-endings — declension of the adjective — its case-endings preserved 
by the pronouns — comparison — the conjugation of the verb — strong 
verbs — scheme of these in Old English — reduplication in verbs — 
weak verbs — scheme of those in Old English — traces of an earlier 
scheme — evidence from Gothic — preterite-present verbs — verbs in 
-mi — presents with infixed n — mood — person — changes in conju- 
gation since the Old English period — Anglo- Saxon and English. 

1. In attempting to trace the history of the language down 
to the middle of the nth century it has so far been mostly to 
the vocabulary that attention has been directed, to the introduc- 
tion of foreign, and the loss of native words, or to the extended 
use of the latter; it has been to the modifications in the extent 
and force, rather than to such as affect the form, of the 
language-material that reference has been made. About these 
latter a few words may now be said. 

174 



Chapter X 



175 



The Early 
West-Saxon 
vowel system 
and the de- 
velopment 
which it 
shews. 



2* In Chap. n. the possibility of inferring for an English 
word an earlier form than is to be found in any 
English MS. was illustrated. We may* then, 
work back to earlier forms than those used by 
Alfred, even though his be the earliest written 
ones we have. Now the vowel system of the 
Early West-Saxon works, e.g. the Pastoral Care, 
may be represented by the following symbols : 

Short 
a inarm a 

ae set (at) se 

e, menn 

etan (to eat) 

in 

ieldra (elder) 

gold 

on 



e 

i 

ie 

o 

Q 

u 

y 

ea 
eo 



e 
I 

ie 
5 

y 

ea 
eo 



Long 
stan (stone) 
lsedan (lead) 
fedan (feed) 
min (mine) 
hieran (to hear) 
mona (moon) 
ut (out) 
bryd (bride) 
eage (eye) 
deop (deep) 



sunu (son) 
cynn (kin) 
earm (arm) 
eorj>e (earth) 
io mioluc (milk) 

To trace in detail the development which is involved in 
this scheme would be out of place here, but its character may 
be suggested by considering a particular case. If the words 
mann, cet, net, qn, earm, ieldra, oper, sefte, softe, gos, ges be 
compared with corresponding forms in other Teutonic lan- 
guages, it will appear that all originally had the same vowel, a. 
Thus 

English 
zVldra 
<?>er 

s<?fte (adj.) 
s<?fte (adv.) 
gos; ges; pi. 

And the comparison will further suggest the conditions under 
which change has taken place. Thus in net, ieldra, sefte, ges, 



nglish 


Gothic 


m#nn 


manna 


est 


at 


n^t 


nati 


?n 


ana. 


earm. 


arms 



Gothic 
tfljnza 
anbar 

umfti ]. aH . Ger . 

samfto J 

gans; g^nsi; pl.,O.H.Ger. 



176 Outlines of the History of the English Language 

the root-vowel has been influenced by the / (or/) of the 
following syllable ; in qn the nasal has affected the vowel, in 
earm it is the r-combination; in ofier, softe, gas, a nasal has 
disappeared before />, /, s respectively, and the vowel has been 
lengthened in compensation; in ieldra, sefte, ges, moreover, it 
may be noted that the change is the result of more than one 
influence. 

3. This instance, as was said, may suggest the kind of de- 
The com- velopment, which has resulted in the Old English 1 

mon Teutonic vowel system given above ; and may point to the 
possibility, thanks to the inferences that may be 
drawn after comparison of parallel forms in English and other 
Teutonic speeches, of constructing a simpler vowel system out 
of which have grown the several systems of all those speeches. 
The system so constructed would be approximately this : 

short a, e, i, o, u 

long a, £e, e, I, o, u 2 

diphthongs ai, au, iu, eo. 

4. With regard to the consonant framework of words also 

there is a history of change to be inferred; and 
the consonant here, as in the case of the vowels, a few instances 
structure of to suggest a condition which is too complicated 

have already to describe in detail may be given. For ex- 
taken place ample, the occurrence of doubled consonants is 

in the oldest A 

English. not uncommon in Old English, e.g. hebban to 

?o°n U 8onanta. heave > webb web > sec g an ( c g = «) to sa y> scieppan 

to shape, tellan to tell. Now alongside these 
may be placed forms, evidently containing the same root, in 
which the consonants are single, hofon, they heaved, wefan, to 
weave, sagu, a saw, saying, sceapen, shaped, talu> a tale. As 

1 It is the system of the representative Old English dialect only that is 
given. The other dialects shew somewhat different developments; these, 
however, need not be considered here. 

2 The sounds of these vowels are approximately those in father, fare, 
fate, Uet, foe, food respectively. 



Chapter X 177 

has been said above, the vowel in some of these simpler forms 
might suggest the influence that has brought about the doubling 
in the fuller, for a when followed by i or/ in the next syllable 
becomes e. And the suggestion finds confirmation from the 
Gothic, in which the forms corresponding to hebban and 
scieppan are hafjan and skapjan. It will be noticed, however, 
that in the instances given above the root vowel is short; 
where the vowel was long the doubling did not take place. 
Thus though denian, to deem, on comparison with dom, doom, 
suggests by its vowel the influence of the suffix, which may be 
seen in the Gothic domjan, and in this respect resembles 
hebban, &c, yet the m remains single, as in the noun with 
which it is connected. We have thus traced back the history 
of our forms heave, deem, &c, beyond the point to which our 
earliest MSS. will take us. 

5. Again, there is nothing in English to suggest that the 
consonant structure of any of the words other, 
lithe, mouth has suffered loss; the oldest forms, CO nsona°nts 
oper, li£>e, mup, are practically the same as the 
modern; but on comparing respectively with Goth, anpar, or 
Ger. ander, with Ger. lind, with Goth, munps, or Ger. mund it 
is evident that even the oldest English forms are but modifica- 
tions of yet earlier, which all contained n. In like manner 
the history of five and soft may be carried back beyond the 
Old English fif and softe (adv.) by a comparison with Goth. 
fimf, or Ger. funf, and with Ger. sanft (O.H. Ger. gam/to) 
respectively. The same tendency to reject a nasal is also 
seen in housel (O.E. husel, the eucharist) and in goose (O.E. 
gos), which correspond to Goth, hunsl and Ger. gans respec- 
tively. 

Out of common Teutonic material, by changes such as those 
slightly indicated in the preceding paragraphs, was shaped 
that form of speech which we find in the oldest English 
specimens; and the instances just given, taken in connection 
with what has been said in Chap. 11., may suggest the history 

N 



178 Outlines of the History of the English Language 

that lies behind the oldest English forms we know from 
English MSS. 

6. It is to the spoken forms of words that reference has 

been made; but of the written forms also it may 

^f. rly TT be said, that for them there is a history before 

writing. Use ? J 

of the Latin the times of the earliest MSS. In these MSS. a 
Runes. 61 ' ° form of the Latin alphabet, shewing marks of 

Irish modifications, was used; but before this 
was adopted under Christian influence, the English, like other 
Teutonic peoples, had been acquainted with letters. 1 Con- 
cerning the origin of Runes there has been much discussion, 
but the most probable supposition seems to be that which 
connects them with the Latin forms. The Runic alphabets 
differ from one another in the number and in the shape of 
their characters, but only as the developments of a common 
original might do. In England after the acceptance of 
Christianity the native alphabet was not generally used, but it 
was not entirely given up; and even a Christian poem, such as 
the inscription on the Ruthwell Cross, could be written with 
Runes. Some of its symbols, too, were for special reasons 
retained after it had yielded to the Latin; the Runes for m and 
d> whose names were man and day respectively, were used 
sometimes (e.g. in the Durham Ritual) instead of writing those 
words; and the sounds th and w, for which the Latin alphabet 
did not furnish convenient symbols, were represented by the 
Runes ]> 2 and p. That the Runes survived, though they were 

1 Native words denoting letters were rune, run-stafas, boc-stafas (cf. 
Ger. buch-stabe) . The material found in the first two expresses also the 
ideas of whispering, secrecy, counsel, e.g. O.E. runian, later English roun, 
Ger. raunen to whisper, O.E. ge-ryne mystery, Gothic riltia mystery, 
counsel, ga-rihni counsel. It may be noted also that write is a native 
word, with the original meaning to cut ; taken along with the stafas (staves) 
of the compounds given above, it indicates what were the methods of the 
early time in the matter of writing. 

2 The Runic alphabet can hardly be said to have completely died out 
so long as the can be written y e , for the first symbol here is an imperfect 
representation of the Rune \>. 



Chapter X 179 

not generally used, may be seen, too, from an Old English 
poem, in which each stanza is accompanied by a Runic letter 
and deals with the thing which is denoted by the name of the 
letter. 1 From this poem and from other instances of the Runic 
alphabet it will be seen that the order of the letters was quite 
different from that of the Latin; the first six are/, u, th, 0, r, 
c] the word they form is now sometimes used as the name of 
the collection of symbols at whose head they stand. 

7. The same general point that has been noted in regard 
both to the native English vocabulary and to the 

,,,,., , . . r Grammatical 

native alphabet, viz. that each is an instance of forms common 
one among many similar developments of a t0 man y 

languages. 

single original, may be noted also in regard to 
the native grammatical forms. These, as they are found in the 
oldest English specimens, are indeed full, as compared with 
those of modern times; but even they are only fragments of a 
yet earlier system, whose condition maybe learnt by a method 
similar to that which shews what has been the earlier form of 
the vocabulary. Comparison of the declensions and con- 
jugations used in the related languages will shew the earlier 
system to which each later one may be traced back. The 
subject is far too wide to be adequately treated here; but, as in 
other cases, something may be attempted by way of suggesting 
the history which belongs to the grammatical forms that emerge 
in the oldest English. And as a preliminary to this attempt 
attention may be directed to the modern grammatical forms, 

1 The names of the Runic letters, like those of the Hebrew, were 
significant words. Thus the name of the first letter, f wasfeoh = pecunia; 
so the first verse of the poem is : 

Feoh byft frofur fira gehwylcum 

sceal )>eah manna gehwylc miclum hit dselan 

gif he wile for drihtne domes hleotan. 

Money is a comfort for every man 

yet every man must give it liberally 

if he will in the sight of the Lord gain glory* 



180 Outlines of the History of the English Language 

with the view of shewing that by a process like that which must 
be employed in the case of the oldest, the history of the period 
which lies between the two stages may, at any rate in part, be 
written. The examination will further serve to shew the 
significance, in regard to the history of our grammatical forms, 
of some common English words. 

8. To begin with the noun. A slight consideration of the 
Modern English will bring out a state of things 
an ^® s noun which appears somewhat irregular, and which if 

inflections in there were neither records of earlier forms of the 
English. language, nor other languages with which to com- 

pare it, might be difficult to explain. Thus, in 
the declension of the great majority of nouns two cases only 
can be distinguished, nominative and genitive, the latter having 
an inflection (e)s; and the plural nominative is distinguished 
from the singular by an inflection of the same form (e)s. But 
some few nouns, and those native ones, do not conform to 
these rules. Among plurals there are men, feet, mice, where 
there is only an internal change; oxen, children, brethren as 
well as brothers, where a quite different inflection is used; 
sheep, deer, swine, where singular and plural are alike. The 
genitive, too, in certain words seems exceptional. For instance, 
in the names of the days of the week while in the first compo- 
nent of Tues-day, Wednes-day, Thurs-day the ordinary genitive 
-s is found, in Sun-day, Mon-day, Fri-day, which are formed 
in exactly the same way, the first two, moreover, formed with 
words, which when used alone take the usual inflection (sun's, 
moon's), the s does not appear. And the same discrepancy 
may be noticed on comparing Lord's day with Lady-day. 
Words, too, which may be claimed as current English, though 
not quite in the same sense as are those already given, might 
supply further illustration. So as examples of the ^-plurals might 
be noted kine, which, though in comparison with cows it is felt 
to be archaic, is yet familiar from its use in the Bible; een used 
in some dialects, that are not unrepresented in literature, 



Chapter X 181 

instead of eyes ; and housen, which is also a dialect form, 
though with less pretence than een to be a literary word. Now 
the occurrence of these and the other ^-plurals may fairly be 
taken to suggest, that a declension, of which oxen (that shews 
no other plural form) is a representative, once existed alongside 
a declension which made its plural in (e)s; while the occur- 
rence of double forms like een, eyes, of which the latter is the 
usual one, suggests that the present meagre condition of such a 
declension is due to the fact that nouns once belonging to it 
passed over to its rival. These suppositions find confirmation 
on turning to a related speech, German, where ^-plurals are 
found in abundance. Moreover from a comparison of English 
and German forms it may be inferred, that in the former the 
termination (e)n has not unfrequently disappeared, e.g. though 
all German infinitives have the inflection en, no English verb 
has it. This particular case of loss, then, may suggest an 
explanation of the apparently anomalous genitives, given 
above, in *S^;z-day, Mon-day, viz. that just as the English verb 
mean is the equivalent of Ger. mein-en, so the mon of Jlfon-day 
may be the shortening of a genitive which once had a suffix 
of the same form as the verb had. And the supposition is 
confirmed by comparison with German, which still has en as 
a genitive suffix for many nouns. 

9. From an examination of modern forms, then, it might be 
possible to establish thus much for the earlier 
grammar, that it had two distinct types of de- that may be 
clension, one in which ^-suffixes were used in the drawn ir °™ 

... . . modern words. 

genitive singular and in the nominative plural, 
the other which had ^-suffixes in those cases. Further details 
might be similarly worked out, if other apparently anomalous 
forms, Fri-Aay, sheep, feet, children, were considered; but it is 
not necessary to illustrate the point further. The significance 
in a rather different direction of one other word, however, 
may be noted. Modern English seems to know no other case- 
ending than that of the genitive; but the existence of whilome 



1 82 Outlines of the History of the English Language 



Scheme of 
Old English 
declensions. 



[ = at (former) times] alongside while suggests a dative suffix 
for the plural; and again German, with dative plurals in n, 
would confirm the suggestion. 

10. If, now, instead of taking the modern we were to take 
the oldest English grammatical forms we should 
still have for consideration the case of a system 
which is but a remnant of a fuller one. In the 
case of the modern an attempt has been made to shew that by 
means of modern forms alone it might be possible to recon- 
struct in part a fuller system, of which they are but fragments; 
by dealing with the oldest forms in the same way it should be 
equally possible to reconstruct a system of which they in their 
turn are but imperfect representatives. In order that we may 
have material for illustrating the history of our grammatical 
forms, both before and after the point which is marked by the 
oldest English, the following declensions are here given : 



A. I. fisc ; m. fish: col; n. coal : word; n.word: cearu ; f. care 
wund ; f. wound. 



Sing. 


N. 


fisc 


col 


word 


cearu 


wund 




G. 


fisces 


coles 


wordes 


ceare 


wunde 




D. 


fisce 


cole 


worde 


ceare 


wunde 




A. 


fisc 


col 


word 


ceare 


wunde 


Plur. 


N. 


fiscas 


colu 


word 


ceara (-e) 


wunda (-e) 




G. 


fisca 


cola 


worda 


ceara 


wund a 




D. 


fiscum 


colum 


wordum 


cearum 


wundum 




A. 


fiscas 


colu 


word 


ceara (-e) 


wunda (-e) 


I 


a. ende; in. 


end: cynn; 


n. kin : rice 


; n. power : 


hell; /. hell: 


wylf; 


f. she-wolf. 










Sing. 


N. 


ende 


cyn[n] 


rice 


Help] 


wylf 




G. 


endes 


cynnes 


rices 


helle 


wylfe 




D. 


ende 


cynne 


rice 


helle 


wylfe 




A. 


ende 


cyn[n] 


rice 


helle 


wylfe 


Plur. 


N. 


endas 


cyn[n] 


ricu 


hella (-e) 


wylfa (-e) 




G. 


en da 


cynna 


rica 


hella 


wylfa 




D. 


endum 


cynnum 


rlcum 


helium 


wylfum 




A. 


endas 


cyn[n] 


rica 


hella (-e) 


wylfa (-e) 



Chapter X 



183 



lb. beam; m. barrow, grove : melu; n. meal: sceadu; f. shadow 



msed; 


mead, meadow. 










Sing. 


N. 


beam 


melu 


sceadu 




msed 




G. 


bearwes 


melwes 


sceadwe 




maedwe 




D. 


bearwe 


melwe 


sceadwe 




maedwe 




A. 


beam 


melu 


sceadwe 




msedwe 


Plur. 


N. 


bearwas 


melu 


sceadwa (- 


e) 


masdwa (-e) 




G. 


bearwa 


melwa 


sceadwa 




msedwa 




D. 


bearwum 


melwum 


sceadwum 




maedwum 




A. 


bearwas 


melu 


sceadwa (- 


e) 


maedwa (-e) 



2. wine; m. friend : wyrm ; m.worm: Engle; //. Angles: sife; n, 
sieve-, bene; f. bench. 



Sing. 


N. 


wine 




wyrm 




sife 


bene 




G. 


wines 




wyrmes 




sifes 


bence 




D. 


wine 




wyrme 




sife 


bence 




A. 


wine 




wyrm 




sife 


bene 


Plur. 


N. 


wine, and 


-as 


wyrmas 


Engle 


sifu (-a) 


bence, and -sl 




G. 


wina 




wyrma 


Engla 


sifa 


benca 




D. 


winum 




wyrmum 


Englum 


sifum 


bencum 




A. 


wine, and 


-as 


wyrmas 


Engle 


sifu (-a) 


bence, and -sl 


3- 


sunu; m. son : 


feld; m. field: 


duru; f. 


door : hand 


; f. hand. 


Sing. 


N. 


sunu 




feld 




duru 


hand 




G. 


suna 




felda, and 


-es 


dura 


handa 




D. 


suna, -u 




felda, and 


-e 


dura, -u 


handa 




A. 


sunu 




feld 




duru 


hand 


Plur. 


N. 


suna 




felda, and 


-as 


dura, -u 


handa 




G. 


suna 




felda 




dura 


handa 




D. 


sunum 




feldum 




durum 


handum 




A. 


suna 




felda, and • 


■as 


dura, -u 


handa 


B. 


1. 


guma; m. 


man: tunge; / tongue. 


• eage; n. eye: 1 a. lengu 


(-0); 


/ length. 












Sing. 


N. 


guma 




tunge 


eage 


lengu (-0) 




G. 


guman 




tungan 


eagan 


lengu (-0), and -e 




D. 


guman 




tungan 


eagan 


lengu 


l (-0), and -e 




A. 


guman 




tungan 


eage 


lengu (-0), and -e 


Plur. 


N. 


guman 




tungan 


eagan 


lenge 


: (-a) 




G. 


gumena 




tungena 


eagena 


lenga 




D. 


gumum 




tungum 


eagum 


lengum . 




A. 


guman 




tungan 


eagan 


lenge 


: (-a) 



184 Outlines of the History of the English Language 



C. f5t; m. foot : hnutu; f. nut: boc; f. book: broker; m. brother 
freond; m. friend: cild; n. child. 



Sing. N. fat 

G. fotes 

D. fet 

A. fot 

Plur. N. fet 

G. f5ta 

D. fatum 

A. fet 

Sing. N. bra)?or 

G. braj>or 

D. brewer 

A. braj?or 

Plur. N. braj?or, brof>ru 

G. bra>ra 

D. bra)?rum 

A. braj?or, braj?ru 



hnutu bac 

hnute bee, and bace 

hnyte bee 

hnutu bac 

hnyte bee 

hnuta baca 

hnutum bacum 

hnyte bee 

freond cild 

freondes cildes 

friend, freonde cilde 

freond cild 

friend, freondas cildru, cild 

freonda cildra 

freondum cildum 

friend, freondas cildru, cild 



Some points 
in the earlier 
history of the 
Old English 
grammatical 
forms. The 
weak declen- 
sion. 



11. We may now try to work out the earlier history of one 
or two of these oldest English forms. Take, for 
instance, the declension oiguma (B 1) ; it shews 
no inflection in the singular which can compare 
with those of fisc (A 1) ; there is nothing but an 
unchanging ^-termination. The plural, too, in 
nom. and ace. shews the same ending; the 
genitive, however, has an addition to the ^-form, 
guinen-a, which is like that of the same case in the declension 
of fisc — fisc-a. This might suggest that in earlier times other 
cases may have used the same endings in both declensions. 
If, now, we turn to a cognate speech, Gothic, and compare the 
inflections of the same two words, we shall find their gen. pis. 
related as in English — guman-e,fisk-e; but in Gothic it is not 
the gen. pi. only that suggests comparison, for the gen. sing, is 
gumin-s, the nom. ace. pi. guman-s, while the same three cases 
oifisk all shew an ^-inflection. By the help of Gothic we are 
certainly carried back a step in the life of the oldest English 
declension. And if older forms than the Gothic be compared 



Chapter X 185 

the work of reconstruction may be carried yet further. The 
Latin forms of guma and fisc are homo and pisa's, whose gen. 
pis., homin-um, pisci-um, shew the same agreement in the 
inflection as do Gothic guman-'e , fisk-e ; but in Latin it is not 
only in this case that the inflections seem the same for the two 
words, for the gen. sing, is homin-is, pisc-is, the nom. ace. pi. 
homin-es,pisc-es respectively. And this may shew that in gen. 
sing, gumin-s and ftsk-is, we have, quite as much as in gen. pi. 
gm?ian-e andpisk-e, the same inflection in each word; and the 
same may be said of the nom. and ace. pi. Further, though 
Gothic in the dat. and ace. sing, gumin, guman is without 
inflection, while fisk-a andfisk are corresponding cases, Latin 
homin-i^pisc-i, homin-em, pisc-em will suggest that in these cases 
also the inflections were once the same for both words. 
Passing then from the Latin through the Gothic we get the 
history of the Old English declension. With one exception, 
the gen. pi., its proper inflections have been gradually worn 
off, and it has been reduced to the stem form to which those 
inflections were attached. The declension of these ;z-stem 
nouns is commonly called the weak declension. 

12. We may turn now to the more complex case of the 
nouns given under A, and try to recognise indi- 
cations of the system which they represent. In ^l^ntlox^ 
speaking of the development of the vowel system 
the modifications produced in one sound by another that follows 
it have been noticed. Thus original a followed by i or / 
becomes e; u under the same influence becomes y, but 
followed by a becomes 0. If, then, we find in nouns these 
modifications, even though the modifying cause is no longer 
present, we have a suggestion that as well as consonant stems 
(e.g. guman-) we have vowel stems. Moreover in certain words 
a vowel is left to shew the character of the formation: e.g. 
sun-u, win-e (earlier -i) may suggest u- and i- stem nouns 
respectively. Again, in speaking of the consonants it was noted 
that after a short vowel a consonant followed by/ was doubled 



1 86 Outlines of the History of the English Language 

and the/ disappeared. If, then, a noun occurs with a changed 
short vowel and a doubled consonant there is a suggestion of 
Si j (a) stem. The same stem-ending, too, after a long root 
syllable should be left as e. Applying these remarks to the 
interpretation of some part of the scheme given under A we 
may note that the o in col and word points to the tf-stem; 
while the y and doubled n of cynn point to the ya-stem. To 
the same stem point the root e and final e of end-e, and the 
final e of rlc-f. To the /-stem belongs win-e ; and the y of 
wyrm, which though a long syllable, has no final e, as end-e 
has, points to a stem in /, Sun-u still shews the stem vowel. 
If, now, as before, we compare English with related speeches, 
we shall find the suggestions confirmed. Thus the oldest 
Scandinavian form of the Old English eorl is eril-a-r, shewing 
the a of the stem; while gast-i-r, Old English giest (guest) 
equally shews the z of the stem; and Gothic shews three forms 
of dative plural, fisk-am, gast-im, sun-um. The latter speech, 
too, will illustrate the ja-stem in its declension of kun-i 
(O.E. cynn), which makes its gen. kun-jis, dat. pi. kun-jam. 
These few instances 1 may serve to shew that the Old English 
forms suggest what their earlier history has been, and that by 
help from other speeches the suggestions may be tested and 
supplemented, so that their history may be written. 

13. One or two other points, that in view of the later history 

of our declensions are of interest, may be men- 

Eariy loss tioned. In connection with the later rejection of 

and confusion. J 

inflections it may be noted, that both Gothic and 
Icelandic in many of their nouns shew a termination for the 

1 It is only the two main groups of declensions that have been touched 
on; the smaller declensions, collected together in C, might be treated in 
the same way; but in regard to their significance in the history of our 
inflections it must be enough in their case to point out, that, with the 
exception of the freond form (in which the interest attaches rather to the 
-nd suffix than to the case-endings) , they are all more or less preserved in 
Modern English. 



Chapter X 187 

nominative, e.g. Goth, fisk-s, Ice\.jisk-r(cf. Lat. pis cis) ; but no 
English noun shews such a termination. Again, in connection 
with the later confusion of declensions it maybe noted how an 
/-stem noun, met-e, is treated in the plural as if it belonged to 
the <z-stem declension, and makes its plural mettas ; and the 
two plural forms of win-e, wine and winas, shew the early- 
tendency to assimilation which has resulted in our modern (e)s. 
The same is seen in the z/-stem noun/eld, and in the -Astern 
freond. As explaining anomalous plurals like sheep, dee?', it 
may be noted that the short syllable col makes its pi. colu, but 
the long syllable, word, has pi. and sing, alike. A reference to 
Gothic, where a termination a (waurd-a) is used whether the 
syllable be long or short, shews that this is a rule that English 
had developed from the simpler stage marked by Gothic. To 
these instances drawn, with one exception, from the A group 
may be added one taken from the B group, that furnished by 
nouns like lengu (-<?). The e suggests the early presence of an 
/-suffix, and a reference to Gothic, in which the form is lagg-ei 
(ei—t), confirms the suggestion. The true character of the 
declension may also be learnt from that language, which shews 
the genitive in -eins, dat. ace. in -ein. It is, then, a consonant- 
stem declension, but in Old English it has already lost all its 
distinctive forms. Moreover, thanks to the change of its final 
vowel, the words belonging to it were readily confused with 
those of the feminines in the A group, and often passed over 
to their declension. 

14. What has been said will be enough to bring out two 
points in the early history of our declensions; that 
inflections were lost, with the result that different Continuous- 

7 m ness of change- 

Cases Were no longer distinguished, e.g. the sin- 
gular of guma was reduced to two forms guma, guman; and 
that there was a tendency to assimilate the inflections of the 
various declensions to those of a particular declension, e.g. the 
plurals winas ', freondas ~, assimilated to f seas, take the place of 
wine, friend. Thus both the continuousness of change and its 



1 88 Outlines of the History of the English Language 

constancy of direction may be shewn; for it is just these two 
points that are prominent in the history of the declensions 
during the period between the oldest and modern English. 
15. It is naturally in the language of that part of England 
Later history which was most troubled by the Danes that 
differwrTc n change may first be marked. The point may 
ditions of _e illustrated by the following short comparisons 

Southern and °* the West Saxon and Northumbrian renderings 
English. f the same material : 

West-Saxon Northumbrian 

Dines licharcuz^ leohtfset is J?in eage lsehtfset lichom^ is ego 

lucerna corporis est oculus. 

Best mot of bines broftur ezgan ftone mot of ego brofyres 'Sines 

festucam de oculo patris tui. 
sawk forwyrd saul^r loswist 

animae detrimentum. 

Here it will be noticed that in Northumbrian a noun of the 
weak declension, lichama, makes its genitive ins, while another, 
eage, has dropped the n of the dative, thus going far towards 
the obliteration of the declension. In the case of another 
declension, that of brodur, the same assimilating influence is at 
work, and the es suffix for the genitive is introduced here also. 
Among nouns, too, of the A group the suffix of masculine or 
neuter nouns is substituted for that of the feminine, and for 
sawli is written sauL?j\ Neglect of gender may also be seen in 
the use of a masculine adjective done with a neuter noun, mot. 

After the Norman Conquest the grammar of Southern 
English in its turn suffered, but it was long before it overtook 
that of the North in the course of simplification. Thus in the 
Middle English dialects the two are still contrasted: 

Southern Northern 

A large number of nouns with No plurals in -en, except eghen, 

-en plurals. oxen, hoseji, schoon. 

Genitive plural in -ene as late as No genitive plural in -ene. 

1387- 



Chapter X 189 

Plurals children, brethren, ken Childer, br ether, kuy (ky), hend. 

(kuri) — cows, honden (honde) . 

Genitive of feminine nouns in -e. Genitive of feminine nouns in -es. 1 

By the North the modern stage was already reached; 
it had practically carried out the two sweeping changes 
which were to convert the oldest English declensions 
into the modern ones; the weak nouns were turned into 
strong, and of the many subdivisions of the latter one form 
only was used, that which had the inflections in -s for genitive 
singular and nominative plural. The same course was after- 
wards followed by the South, and thus was reached the point 
of simplification, towards which the system of declension had 
been moving long before we know it in its oldest English 
form. 

16. It has been mostly change in respect to types of declen- 
sion to which attention has been directed, but 
another point calls for notice. The single type prepositions 
to which nearly all others were conformed was instead of 

. .... case endings. 

not completely preserved; its case distinctions 
were lost. This made it necessary to extend a use already 
known to the language, and to employ much more largely 
independent words, prepositions, to mark the relations, which 
it had been the office of case-endings to mark. A similar use 
in French, which had already suffered the losses that English 
was to suffer, might help to determine the English practice, so 
that even where a case-ending remained, the same relation 
could be expressed by means of a preposition. So influenced 
by French de the genitive relation might be expressed by the 
use of of, as well as by the inflection, though this case did not 
stand in the same need, as did the dative, of help from a 
preposition. As a result, then, of changes in its grammatical 
system, the language has changed its character, and while Old 
English is synthetic, Modern English is analytic. 

1 Morris and Skeat's Specimens (Introduction). 



190 Outlines of the History of the English Language 

17. The adjective in the matter of declension has a history 
very similar to that of the noun, and may be 

The declen- J . . • % . 

sion of the treated more briefly. Looking to the Old English 

adjective, its forms we shall rind that all adjectives, when used 

case-endings J \ ] 

preserved by withademonstrative, can shewinflections parallel 
to those of weak nouns of corresponding gender 
(v. B 1, supra)-, while a more or less perfect correspondence 
with the subdivisions according to vowel stems given under A 
may be traced; e.g. swet-e with e <o, and final e may compare 
with end-e, with e<a, and final e\ cuc-u (quick) may compare 
with sun-u. The tendency to pass from one declension to 
another marks the adjective as well as the noun; and the loss 
of distinctions is seen in the uniformity introduced by the later 
West-Saxon grammar into the nominative plural, where the 
single termination -e is used in the place of -<?; masc, -a; 
fern., -u; neuter with short roots, or no termination with long 
roots. In the Middle English dialects the adjective inflections, 
like those of the noun, are best preserved in the Southern, but 
in the end the same simplicity prevails everywhere, and the 
adjective, going beyond the noun in the rejection of termina- 
tions, becomes uninflected as regards gender, number and case. 
The one inflection it retains marks a relation, with which the 
noun is not concerned, i.e. degree. And here it will be noticed 
that Modern English, though at first sight simple, suggests 
that simplicity results from a disregard of earlier distinc- 
tions. Elder by the side of old, first compared with former 
suggest that the suffix of comparison must once have con- 
tained /, while other cases in which the vowel of the positive 
remains unchanged suggest that there must have been a 
second suffix in which i did not occur. That such was 
the case may be seen from Gothic, where the comparative 
of old is alp-iza, but that of blind is blind-oza. But though 
in Modern English the adjectives may be able to contribute 
very little towards a reconstruction of early declensions, yet 
Modern English still preserves nearly all their old inflections. 



Chapter X 



191 



And this will be 


seen on 


comparing the following declen- 


sions : 














Masc. 


Fern. 


Neut. 




Masc. Fern. Neut. 


Sing. N. 


god 


god 


god 




he heo hit 


G. 


godes 


g5dre 


godes 




his hire his 


D. 


godum 


godre 


godum 




him hire him 


A. 


godne 


gode 


god 




hine hie hit 


Instrumental 


gode 




gode 


by 


instrumental of demonstrative 


Plur. N. 


gode 


g5da 


god 




J>a } 


G. 


godra 


godra 


godra 




J>sera 1 plural of demonstra- 
J?sem j tive 
H J 


D. 


godum 


godum 


godum 




A. 


gode 


go da 


god 





The inflections of the adjectives and the pronouns were to 
a great extent the same ; hence though the modern adjective 
has lost its inflections they are still to be found in such 
pronominal forms as his, her ; him, whom, her; their; them. 
Even a case that was going out of general use in the early 
time, the instrumental, leaves a trace in the before compara- 
tives; and a still earlier termination, that already had been lost 
to the ordinary adjective in the Oldest English, is kept down to 
modern times in the / of it, that and what. This last point 
may be illustrated by comparing Gothic allata, the neuter of 
alls, and fiata, the neuter of the demonstrative, with the 
corresponding Old English eall and pczt. It will be seen, then, 
that though the adjective itself cannot now suggest even so 
much of an earlier history as can the noun, yet the declensional 
system of the earlier time in its case has left no less mark 
upon the modern speech than has that of the noun. 

18. Turning now to the verb we shall find, that, as with 
declensions so with conjugations, the present The con- 
condition of the language at first sight seems to jugation of the 
be one in which there are a few general rules, 
though to these there may be a few exceptions. The case of 
the verb is somewhat more complicated than that of the noun; 
the latter is concerned with but three modifications, the former 
with four, mood, person, number, tense. However in the first 



192 Outlines of the History of the English Language 

three of these there is pretty general uniformity; the singular 
of the subjunctive present is distinguished from that of the 
indicative by the absence of person-endings, in the plural of 
the same tenses there is no distinction. In the indicative the 
present singular shews the person-endings -st and -s or -th in 
the 2nd and 3rd person respectively, the past has an ending 
for the 2nd person only, while in the plural both tenses are 
without person-endings; in the subjunctive both tenses remain 
unchanged throughout. These practically appear to be general 
rules. With respect, however, to the fourth modification — 
tense — it is at once seen that there is not a single rule which 
expresses the relation between the present and the past. For 
the majority of verbs, indeed, one rule, with slight variations 
for special phonetic conditions, might serve, to the effect that 
the past is formed from the present by the addition of a dental. 
But there is an important minority of native English verbs, too 
numerous to be looked upon as mere exceptions to the above 
rule, in which a totally different method is employed. Love ; 
loved; p. t. ; loved; pp. : drive; drove ; p. t. ; driven; pp., shew 
the same effect produced by different means; in the latter case 
the characteristic mark of the conjugation is the series of 
vowels 1, 0, 1, seen in the three parts of the verb; a different 
note, as it were, is struck to indicate the respective modifica- 
tions, which in the other case are indicated by the added 
dental. There are, then, two main groups of which the two 
verbs given above maybe taken as types, the strong conjugation 
represented by drive, the weak by love ; and we may turn to 
notice each separately with the object of recognising the 
history of each as it is written on the speech of later or of 
earlier times. 

19. Taking first the strong verbs we may almost observe 

their history in one point being written. Such 

ve^bs° n8: forms as driv-en, bor-n, sung, double forms like 

zvritt-en and writ, both used in literature, or like 

tor-n and tore, where one only is as yet considered correct, will 



Chapter X 193 

tell the story of the suffix -en, and establish it as a part of all past 
participles at an earlier time. Again, though now it may seem 
to be the rule that in the past tense the singular and plural 
shew the same vowel, I drove, we drove, &c, yet the commonest 
of English past tenses may suggest that this rule has not always 
been in force. Was, were, thanks perhaps to the circumstance 
that their real character is obscured by the losses which the 
strong verb to which they belong has suffered, and notwith- 
standing that analogy has often led to the use of you was, have 
been able to maintain a distinction between the vowels of the 
singular and plural. And that this distinction was not peculiar 
to the verb in question is suggested by other modern verbs 
which do not conform to general rules. Take for instance the 
case of shall. Here as regards meaning we have a present 
tense, but as regards form the rule of that tense, which 
requires a termination for the third person, is not followed; 
shall, according to form, is a past tense. Its past tense is 
shoul-d, which is not formed from shall, but from shoul; and 
this is conceivable if shall, in its true character of past tense, 
had, like was, a different vowel (u) in its plural. Another 
auxiliary, can, is a parallel case. Again, a rather less familiar 
word, the verb to wit, may illustrate the point. Wist as the 
past tense of a present wot, whose infinitive is wit appears 
irregular in several respects. But the irregularity of the vowels 
would be explained away, if here the case is the same as that 
of shall, and wot, being really a past tense, has had a different 
vowel, i, in its plural, which appears in wist. There are at least 
suggestions, then, in the modern grammar that not from three 
parts only of the verb, but from four, has the characteristic 
vowel series of a strong verb been taken. Thus from was, 
were ; shall, shoul; wot, wit we might infer that to write, wrote, 
written must once have belonged a fourth form, that of the 
past tense plural, writ. Further the indifferent use of sang and 
sung as the past tense of sing would be quite in keeping with 
an earlier sang in the singular, sung in the plural. Moreover 
o 



194 Outlines of the History of the English Language 

was, were will suggest that even the consonant structure of the 
verb might be affected, and taken along with \iox-~\lom, the 
past participle of \lox-~\lose y will shew which parts of the verb 
were modified. 

20. In the case of the verb, then, as in that of the noun, 

scheme of tlie m °dern grammar tells of the fuller system 

strong verbs in from which it has decayed. The oldest form of 

the verbal scheme, that is found in English, may 

be represented by the following instances, and this, too, will 

point to a yet earlier: 



(i) vowel-series a, o, o, a: 

infin. p. sing. p. plur. p. p. 

faran to fare for foron faren 

(2) vowel-series e, (e)a, u, o: 

helpan to help healp hulpon holpen 

(3) vowel-series e, ae, ge, e : 

cwe>an to say cwae}> cwgedon cweden 

(4) vowel-series e, as, 33, o : 

beran to bear baer beeron boren 

(5) vowel-series 1, a, i, i : 

drifan to drive draf drifon drifen 

(6) vowel-series eo or u, ea, u, o : 

leosan to lose leas luron loren 

bugan to bow beag bugon bogen 

(7) verbs which though shewing a variety of vowels in the infinitive 
and past participle shew e or eo throughout the past tense : 

lsetan to let let leton lseten 

healdan to hold heold heoldon healden 

21. On examining verbs which are included in this scheme 
we may, as in the case of the modern verbs noted 
tio^fiTverbs. above, find suggestions of an earlier history. 
Thus among verbs belonging to class 7 we may 
see some remarkable forms. Hatan, the material of which 
may be said still to survive in hight, has for its past tense 
Keht as well as het; leort as well as let is found as the past 



Chapter X 195 

tense of leetan; and leole is the past tense of laean, to play. 
Here we have a suggestion of tense formation differing some- 
what from that shewn, e.g. by draf, drifon, and one whose 
characteristic mark may be suggested by a comparison of 
he-ht, leo-le with /za/an, /aVan respectively. At least it may be 
noticed that in each of these the initial sound of the root h, I 
respectively, followed by a vowel, precedes the consonant part 
of each lit, Ic respectively. English by itself could hardly speak 
decisively; but on turning to Gothic the full form, of which 
English preserves only scanty traces, may be found. In that 
dialect lieht appears as hai-hait, let as lai-lot, and there are be- 
sides many verbs of the same reduplicating type, which for the 
most part are found in English as verbs which might be placed 
in class 7. As, then, modern were suggests a distinction no 
longer living, but which may be established on turning to the 
older grammar, so Keht, etc. in the older grammar may suggest 
a formation no longer recognised, but which may be established 
by reference to another language. And, moreover, if the com- 
parison be carried beyond the bounds of Teutonic speech, and 
e.g. the reduplicating verbs in Latin be noted, we shall see, as 
might be expected, that grammatical forms, as well as vocabu- 
lary, are common to the great family. 

22. We may now try to shew that weak verbs, for whose 
conjugation there is now a simplicity of rule 
comparable with that for the declension of 
nouns, will, like nouns, still suggest a more complex system 
Though now salve and love seem to belong to the same con- 
jugation as heal and fill, yet that such was not always the case 
is suggested by the fact, that while the two former shew just 
the same vowels as the nouns with which they are connected, 
the two latter shew vowels that have undergone a regular change 
from those shewn in the connected adjectives whole and fwlL 
And the same kind of change is seen on comparing tell with, 
tale, deem with doom, and in many other instances. There is 
at least a suggestion, then, that there were two conjugations, 



196 Outlines of the History of the English Language 

one in which the material used in building up the verb forms 
could produce such change as that just noted, the other in 
which that material was not used; a two-fold division which 
may find a parallel in such different comparatives as fill-er 
from fill, and tld-er from old. Moreover tell, p. told, com- 
pared with well, p. welled, seek, p. sought, compared with deem, 
p. deemed may suggest that of the conjugation in which change 
of root-vowel takes place there is a subdivision containing 
verbs that admit such change only in the present. 

23. As representatives of the oldest scheme which English 



Scheme of oners ior in 


e weaK verus in 


e ionowmg ma) 


weak verbs in given * 
Old English. 5 








infifi. 


p. tense 


p. part. 


(I) 


werian to wear 


werede 


wered 




settan to set 


sette 


seted, set[t] 




fremian to perform 


fremede 


fremed 


or fremman 


or fremde 


or fremmed 




deman to deem 


demde 


demed 




sendan to send 


sende 


sended, send 


(2) 


tellan to tell 


tealde 


teald 




secan to seek 


sohte 


soht 


(3) 


bycgan to buy 


bohte 


boht 


(4) 


sealfian to salve 


sealfode 


sealfod 


(5) 


habban to have 


hsefde 


hsefd 




libban to live 


lifde 


lifd 


and lifian 


and lifode 





A glance at this scheme will shew how far its leading 
features are preserved in the modern speech; and we may now 
try to find in it suggestions for its earlier history. 

24. In the case of all the infinitives in (1), (2), (3) it will 
be noticed that the vowels in the root-parts may 
an earlier have undergone the change, which the form of 

the termination in the case of werian might lead 
us to expect; it is the change already noted in the /tf-stem 
nouns. Among those nouns it was also noticed that when the 
root-syllable was short, the final consonant was doubled, and to 



Chapter X 



197 



this a parallel is found in sett-an, tell-an, bycg-an. The sug- 
gestion seems to be, then, that all these infinitives must have 
had the termination which wer-ian alone clearly keeps. 
Further, as in the past tense of the verbs in (1) the changed 
vowel is everywhere present in the root, the e in wer-t-de, 
which represents the vowel producing the change, at an earlier 
time may have occurred in all; and it may even have been 
present in the verbs of (2), if we suppose that it was lost before 
the period when the change was effected. Thus we might sup- 
pose a conjugation which has an infinitive in -tan, and in the 
past tense connects the root with a dental suffix by the vowel e 
(earlier z), as the form which has developed into the varieties 
of (1) and (2) in Old English. Now in Gothic, 
where the change of vowels and the doubling 
of consonants had not been worked out as in 
English, we may find the case thus supposed 
actually existing. Verbs corresponding (or simi- 
lar) to the English ones given above appear in that language in 
the following forms : 



(1) 



Evidence 
from Gothic of 
an earlier 
scheme — three 
conjugations 
of weak verbs. 



injin. 


p. tense 


p. part. 


wasjan 


wasida 


wasi>s 


sat j an 


satida 


satins 


tamjan 


tamida 


tamij^s 


domjan 


domida 


domij>s 


sandjan 


sandida 


sandibs 


saljan 


salida 


sali}?s 


sokjan 


sokida 


soki)?s 



(2) 



Again, it will be noticed that though verbs which belong to 
(4) have a suffix of the same form as werian has, yet an earlier 
difference is suggested by the fact, that sealfian shews no 
change in its root vowel, while werian has changed a to e. 
The formation of the past tense, too, supports the suggestion, 
being used in the one, e in the other. Gothic will make the 
point clear by its verb salbon, p. salboda, and will establish the 
earlier form of this second conjugation of weak verbs. But 



198 Outlines of the History of the English Language 

the scheme thus constructed for two conjugations offers no 
place in it for the verbs in (5), which in some respects seem 
to shew a mixture of characteristic marks from each. Thus, in 
respect both to the doubled consonant of the infinitive and to 
the form of the past tense, habban resembles tellan, while in the 
unchanged a of the infinitive it resembles sealfian. Libban, too, 
in the double character of its forms might suggest that with the 
verbs a change, similar to that already noted in speaking of the 
old declensions, had taken place, and verbs might have passed 
from one conjugation to another. Now turning to Gothic 
such a third conjugation is found for these two verbs: viz. 
haban, p. habaida : lib an, p. libaida. We may see, then, that 
in an earlier time than that of Oldest English the weak verbs 
were distributed among three conjugations, which may be dis- 
tinguished by the connecting vowels used in forming the past 
tense, as, for instance, in the Gothic was-i-da, salb-b-da, /iab-ai- 
da. 1 Such distinctions may find a parallel in the infinitives of 
Latin verbs. 

25. To one or other of the two classes, strong and weak, 

almost every English verb may be assigned. But 
presenrveVbs there are a few remarkable instances of verbs, and 

among them some of the most frequently used in 
the language, which belong partly to one, partly to the other 
class. Thus can, may, ^^//distinguish themselves from the 
ordinary verb by shewing no inflection in the 3rd person of 
what in meaning is a present tense: they shew in fact the 
form of a past tense of the strong type; while in their past 
tenses they adopt the method of formation among weak verbs, 
that of adding a dental. Dare, too, is peculiar; it has a 
double conjugation, in the 3rd person pres. dare or dares, in 
the past tense durst or dared. Its true character, which would 

1 The verb to buy, given above under (3), has a form for its p. tense 
in Gothic {bauhtd), which places it outside the main groups of weak verbs 
even in that speech. Here it is enough to speak of those main groups, so 
no more than a mere reference to the form is made. 



Chapter X 199 

class it with can, has been misunderstood, and it has been 
forced into the weak conjugation. Must has suffered even 
more than dare, for its present tense mote (still to be heard in 
the formula of the Freemasons) is practically obsolete, and it, 
though doubly a past tense, can do the work of a present. 
Ought, again, is the past tense of owe, but it has been deprived 
of its true present, which, like may, was an old past; like 
must it can now be used as a present, and owe, like dare, joins 
the ranks of weak verbs. The Old English forms will confirm 
the suggestions offered by the modern, as e.g. when can, shall, 
dare shew u instead of a in the plural; and a comparison with 
other languages may throw further light upon such apparently 
exceptional forms. E.g. the Gothic form of (/) will seems to 
shew that this apparently present indicative is the past of the 
optative. To these instances, all of them words in constant 
use, may be added the practically obsolete wit, wot, wist. 
It occurs in the Authorised Version, but it is treated even 
there as dare is now treated, and its true past form for the 3rd 
person, wot, gives way to wotteth, 1 as if it were an ordinary 
present. But the Old English wat, pi. witon, though having 
the present meaning I know, will shew that it is a past form 
with which we have to deal, and other languages will offer like 
evidence. The early history, then, of the group is, that past 
forms have acquired a present meaning (e.g. wat = I saw, there- 
fore I know), and for such past forms, now detached from their 
originals, new forms have been constructed and associated 
with them to form a complete conjugation. From the peculiar 
constitution of their conjugation these verbs are called some- 
times preterite-presents, sometimes strong-weak. 11 

1 My master wotteth not what is with me in the house. Gen. xxxix. 8. 

2 Besides the peculiarity of conjugation, common to the group, there 
are many points of interest in the conjugations of individual members of 
the group, e.g. wist (earlier wis-se) from wit-ta ; could (earlier ciipe) from 
cun-pa; shalt (O.E. scealt), where the old termination of the 2nd pers. 
sing. p. indie, of strong verbs is kept. 



200 Outlines of the History of the English Language 

26. But not only the prominent features of the conjuga- 

tional system are suggested by Modern English, 
and more clearly by the earliest stage; details, 
which have left but faint traces, are still to be recognised. 
For example am ( == a-m) is the only verb now that shews a 
termination for the first person, though in the oldest stage, 
where the peculiarity is of course more striking, since the 
pres. indie, ends regularly in a vowel, three other verbs, do, 
go, be are sometimes found with the same ending. The expla- 
nation is got by reference to the two kinds of 
witMnfixed -n. present seen in Greek, e.g. eimi and tzt//emi 
alongside tupto\ in am we have a verb in mi. 
Again, though as a rule the consonant framework of a strong 
verb is the same throughout, the present of stood is stand. But 
we have a parallel formation in Latin vinco, vici, &c, and in 
stand we may still see that formation of the present in which 
an n was infixed in the root. 

27. With regard to the suggestiveness of the modern forms 

in regard to mood little need be said. The 
unchanging present singular of the subjunctive 
points to the absence of person-endings, and the one verb 
which maintains the old distinction of vowel between the sing, 
and pi. of strong pasts — were — points to the fact that the past 
subjunctive had the vowel of the pi. indie, not that of the 
singular. Of the earlier distinctions marking person and 
number modern speech can say little. Nor is even the oldest 
stage very suggestive. In no tense are the 
persons distinguished in the plural, though the 
plural is distinguished by its termination from the singular. 
One point, already referred to, which suggests earlier history is 
found in such forms as sceal-t, mih-X. ( == mayest) in contrast 
with w<zr-t, all 2nd p. indie, sing, of strong verbs : these may 
shew the true character of this verbal form, and, in fact, a 
reference to Gothic bears out the suggestion. And it is mostly 
by reference to other speeches that the earlier condition of 



Chapter X 201 

English must be learned. Thus the distinction of three 
persons in the plural, which is found in Gothic and Icelandic, 
points to the earlier condition of English. 

28. But leaving the earlier history of conjugation we may 
briefly note what changes have taken place in the 
transition from Old to Modern English. As re- changes in 
gards the two great classes of verbs there has c P nju ? 1 atl 2 k ? J 

° & since the Old 

been a change somewhat parallel to that which English 
has affected the two great classes of nouns; there eno ' 
has been a tendency for verbs to pass from the strong to the 
weak class. The conjugation of the verb is another instance 
of the tendency to set up one rule instead of many for gram- 
matical forms; and as the rule of the weak verbs was more 
easily recognised, and more easily applied, it was the one 
chosen. It is but rarely that a new verb can be fitted into any 
of the strong verb groups, while it easily adopts the conju- 
gation of the weak. It follows, then, that the disproportion 
between the numbers of the two classes is constantly increasing 
in favour of the weak, and this favours the feeling (as may be 
noticed in the practice of children) that this class should be 
the only one. 1 In other respects, too, the same tendency is 
seen. Were, noticed above as the 2nd p. indie, sing., and all 
corresponding forms in strong verbs, have given way to wast, 
&c, with a formation like that of weak verbs. Very largely, 
though fortunately not entirely, the indicative usurps the place 
of the subjunctive. All terminations for person or number, 
but those of the 2nd person sing. pres. or past, and the 3rd 
pres. indie, sing, have disappeared. The elaborate structure 
of conjugation, like that of declension, has almost crumbled 
away, and the only direction in which extension shews itself 

1 It is rare that analogy leads to a reversal of the usual direction of 
change. Wear, however, by analogy (cf. bear, /ear) is from a weak made 
into a strong verb. Sometimes, too, in attempting to be funny a writer 
allows analogy to betray him into a quite unintended accuracy, e.g. when 
glode is made the past tense of glide. 



202 Outlines of the History of the English Language 

in the verb is, again as in the noun, in the use of independent 
words : the noun uses prepositions, and the verb uses auxiliaries. 
29. As we are now to leave the consideration of the oldest 
stage of the language a few words may be said 
Angio-sSon as to tne name most appropriate to that stage, 
and old Should it be called Old (or Oldest) English, or 

English. l 

Anglo-Saxon? On the one hand it is to be 
noticed that in speaking of the language the writers of the time 
use the word English; both Alfred and yElfric describe them- 
selves as translating into English, and from their time onwards 
it is the name given to the language by those who use it. 
On the other hand Anglo-Saxon is a term used of the people by 
themselves, more especially in reference to Southern England, 
to which part the old literature mostly belongs; and it is a 
common practice to apply the same term to a people and to 
their language. As far at least then as concerns the repre- 
sentative form of the older speech Anglo-Saxon has some claims 
to recognition. Moreover, this stage has such strong character- 
istics in its almost unmixed vocabulary and comparatively highly 
inflected grammar, that by them it is marked off from succeed- 
ing stages, in which foreign words were introduced in ever 
increasing numbers, and in which inflections rapidly decayed. 
As a name for the cultivated speech of England down to the 
middle of the nth century, or even later, the term Anglo- 
Saxon may be of use. But it is not without disadvantages. 
Especially it tends to obscure the continuity in the life of the 
language, and to give to one stage of it the character almost 
of a foreign speech. The use of the name, English, through- 
out, on the other hand, marks the unbroken development, 
which, though proceeding more rapidly at some times than at 
others, connects the earliest and latest stages of the language. 
If the true relation between these stages is borne in mind, the 
use of Anglo-Saxon in the sense given to it above may be 
convenient, but if this relation is in danger of being forgotten, 
it is certainly better to speak of Old or Oldest English. 



CHAPTER XI 

Traces of foreign influence in English before the Norman Conquest slight — 
difference between conditions of Norman influence and those of earlier 
influences — the term Norman- French — Latin in Gaul — its character 

— the Franks in Gaul — they adopt the language of the conquered — the 
Northmen in France — they adopt the language of France — Norman 
influence in England before 1066 — the Norman Conquest — fusion of 
Normans and English — French in England — a mark of race — a mark 
of class — use of French in the 14th century — disuse of French after 
1350 — in schools — among the upper classes — as an official language — 
Latin of the Third Period — loss of old words — limitation in the use of 
old material — English after 1066 — the position of English dialects — 
continuous series of English writings — the English Chronicle in 1 1 54 — 
the Southern dialect c. 1200 — the Ancren Riwle — Layamon's Brut 

— the East Midland dialect — the Ormtdum — the Southern dialect c. 
1300 — Robert of Gloucester's Chronicle — its vocabulary — its grammar 

— the East Midland dialect — Robert of Brunne's Handlyng Synne — 
the Northern dialect — the Northumbrian Psalter — the Kentish dialect 

— the Ayenbite of Inwyt — literary English of the latter half of the 14th 
century — specimen from Chaucer — foreign element in its vocabulary 

— Old English element — grammatical forms — contrasts between the 
language of literature in the nth and in the 14th centuries. 

II... With the conquest of England by the Normans came 
a new set of influences making for change in The traces of 

English speech. Before however attempting to £° rei & n | n - 

consider the extent to which such influences English before 

were operative, it may be well to remind our- c^V^sTa-a 

selves of the degree to which on earlier occasions slight. 

203 



204 Outlines of the History of the English Language 

English speakers had shewn themselves susceptible to foreign 
influence. Celtic speech, the language of the conquered 
natives, had lived alongside English, the language of the 
conquering intruders, for centuries, but had produced little 
impression upon it. Latin, the language of the Church and of 
scholars, had been in use for a not much shorter period, but 
few Latin words had been adopted. The Danes had made 
settlements in the country two centuries before the Normans 
came, and in the end ruled in England; but, though in parts 
of the country a comparatively considerable number of Danish 
words might be used, the literary language n of England 
remained to the end practically the language of Alfred. The 
differences between the various forms of speech in different 
parts of the country might be more strongly marked than they 
had been when the Teutonic invaders settled in different parts 
of Britain, but the vocabulary of the most cultivated form of 
English speech in the first half of the nth century, still for the 
most part depended upon the original Teutonic material, and 
its grammar still for the most part preserved the old forms. 
As regards language, then, the English, though not refusing all 
change, had yet shewn themselves little disposed to allow their 
native forms to be ousted by foreign competitors. 

2. The case, which on the appearance of the Normans 

presented itself for determination, was an inter- 

ence between esting variation on those which had been already 

the conditions worked out without materially affecting the Teu- 

under which , J ° 

Norman in- tonic character of the language. English could 

exercised and hold its g round > though a quite distinct speech, 
those of earlier Celtic, existed in the country along with it; but 
then the speakers of the latter were a conquered 
race. It could still hold its ground, when the Danes ruled 
England; but then English and Danish were very near akin, 
and the rule was not for long. Latin, as a spoken language, 
never came into competition with it. The question that asked 
for answer in 1066 was, what would become of English, when 



Chapter XI 205 

a speech, quite distinct from it, was spoken by rulers of 
England whose rule was to be permanent ?7 

3. And here it may be noted that the very name given to 
that distinct speech suggests how for similar D . 
questions the answers had been worked out in the term ■ Nor- 
earlier times; answers which thanks to the man - French - 
Norman Conquest were to prove of lasting interest to English. 
For a language — Norman-French — whose name is built up 
from words that point to two races of the Teutonic stock, the 
Northmen and the Franks, yet shews only faint traces of Teu- 
tonic speech, and finds its place among the derivatives from 
Latin. To explain this want of correspondence between the 
name and the character of the language we must go back to the 
Roman colonisation of Gaul. The Celts of that country, unlike 
their kinsmen of Britain, almost entirely gave up their native 
speech, and adopted a form of Latin. Their 
knowledge of Latin was not, however, gained by -Ji^c^^el 
studying the great writers or by listening to the 
talk of educated Romans, but rather by intercourse with soldiers 
and colonists. It was not, then, to the vocabulary of classical 
Latin that we are to look for much of the material from which 
was formed the speech of Gaul, nor are we to suppose that in 
such speech the grammatical accuracy of classical Latin was 
preserved. 1 It is not from the same word that the terms denot- 
ing the knightly classes of Rome and of France are derived; 
though each class owes its title to the same characteristic, 
yet for the Roman eques and the French chevalier the titles 
are derived from different sources. 2 

1 A rough parallel to the relation between the literary Latin and the 
form which gave rise to the Romance language in Gaul may perhaps be 
found in the relation between the language of Longfellow or Lowell and 
the colloquial speech given in the works of Bret Harte. 

2 The point illustrated by the use of equus and caballus is an important 
one; it marks the character of the Latin that was the source of the Romance 
speech of Gaul; in so far, then, as that speech affected English, it becomes 
of importance to English. 



206 Outlines of the History of the English Language 

The language, which by the end of the first century after 
Christ had supplanted Celtic, was in course of 
in ^auf— th S t * me su kJ ecte( i to a foreign influence, for Gaul 
adopt the became the land of the Franks. A case like 

the^con^uered tnat s P°^ en °f above presented itself for deter- 
mination, that of a conqueror living with the 
conquered from whom he differed in both race and speech, 
and it was settled by the conqueror accepting, though with 
a slight admixture of his own, the language of the conquered. 
The Franks, then, at the end of the ioth century spoke a 
Romance speech. 

One case thus determined, circumstances connected with 

the first element of the name we are noting, led 

The North- t ^ occurrence f another. The Northmen 

men in France 

—they adopt who had ravaged France not less than England, 
ofFm/ce^ 6 at length, as in England, obtained a permanent 
footing there. As at the end of the 9th century 
the English king had yielded part of his territory to the Danes, 
so at the beginning of the ioth the French king yielded up 
Neustria to Rollo and his followers. Again it was a question 
what would be the outcome of the competition between the 
different languages of conquering and conquered, and again it 
was with the language of those who had been defeated that 
the victory rested. In the middle of the nth century the 
Scandinavian speech of the original conquerors of Normandy 
was no longer that of their descendants; a form of Romance 
speech, naturally with characteristics that distinguished it from 
forms current in other localities, had taken its place. Thus 
the language, whose name might seem to imply merely a 
mixture of Teutonic elements, is one in which few traces even 
of Teutonic influence are to be found, and the material which 
made its way from Norman-French into English can be spoken 
of as Latin of the Third Period. 

4. Though the year 1066 is conveniently prominent as 
a date for marking the beginning of this period, yet it should 



Chapter XI 207 

be noted that before this an opportunity to exert an influence 
upon English had not been wanting to Norman- 
French. Ethelred had married a daughter of nuen ce in 

the ducal house of Normandy, and the success England be- 
fore 1066. 
of the Danes in England had driven the sons 

of the marriage into exile at the Norman Court. Naturally 
Edward looked not unkindly upon the country where he had 
found asylum, and something of Norman influence may well 
have been felt in England during his reign. But the Conquest 
took place so soon after his death that it is unnecessary to mark 
off the contributions of this preliminary period from those 
which in such large numbers were made when the Normans 
were settled in England. 

5. Passing, then, to the time of the Conquest we find 
the case presenting itself of two quite distinct 
speeches current in the same country, the one co^uest™ 12 " 1 
that of a foreign conqueror, the other that of the 
conquered natives. The previous record of the two peoples 
as regards language was, as we have seen, somewhat different; 
the conquerors were speaking a language that to their fore- 
fathers less than 200 years before had been a foreign speech, 
the conquered were speaking a language that, from times 
before those in which they had been the conquerors of the 
country, they had preserved almost intact. To an English- 
man, who in 1066 might have been concerned for the fate of 
his native language, a consideration of the earlier circumstances 
of English and Normans might have afforded some consolation; 
for while the latter had shewn a readiness to adopt a foreign 
speech, and that too one whose speakers they had defeated, 
the former had shewn a tenacity in their hold upon their native 
speech, which whether they were conquerors or conquered never 
failed. I Before noticing how far the hope which such a con- 
sideration might have inspired, was realised, a few words maybe 
said as to the fusion of the two races; for with that fusion came 
the working out of a language common to the resultant nation. 



208 Outlines of the History of the English Language 

At first the two races were antagonists; but signs of approach 
„ . . may be seen when William II., at the time of 

rusion of J ? 

Normans and his accession, is assisted by the English against 
ng 1S ' Robert with his Norman supporters. Like cir- 

cumstances attended the accession of Henry I., whose mar- 
riage with one of the Old English royal stock marked a policy 
that favoured union. His rule, too, during which order was 
enforced in the case of both Norman and English, tended to 
weld together the two elements; while the very anarchy of 
Stephen's time might help to confound distinctions of race. 
The case of Stephen's successor, who was descended from both 
the Old English and Norman royal families, may, if the author 
of the Dialogus de Scaccario is to be trusted, be taken as 
typical of the condition prevailing among a considerable part 
of his subjects. The writer speaking- of Henry's times says 
the two races had become so mixed by intermarrying that, 
leaving the villein class out of account, it was hardly possible 
to decide who was of English, who of Norman race. 1 And in 
keeping with this statement is the changed significance which 
comes to belong to the terms English and Norman when con- 
trasted. It is not so much difference of race that is marked, 
as difference of country; the native of England, whatever his 
descent, is English, the native of Normandy is Norman; and 
this conception of the contrast implied was confirmed by the 
loss of the foreign possessions of the English kings. How all 
classes were being compacted into one people the proceedings 
connected with Magna Charta may shew; while yet later, and 
under circumstances which brought union and not dissension 
between king and people, a sense of national unity was fostered 
by the wars with Scotland and with France. And so it came 

1 lam cohabitantibus Anglicis et Normannis, et alterutrum uxores 
ducentibus vel nubentibus, sic permixtae sunt nationes, ut vix discerni possit 
hodie, de liberis loquor, quis Anglicus quis Normannus sit genere; exceptis 
duntaxat ascriptitiis qui villani dicuntur, quibus non est liberum obstantibus 
dominis suis a sui status conditione discedere. 



Chapter XI 209 

about that within three hundred years of the conquest of 
England by Normandy a poet who used the dialect of Northern 
England could write thus of the two countries and of the 
English king : 

Of Ingland had my hert grete care 
When Edward founded first to were. 

pe Franche men war frek to fare 
Ogaines him with scheld and spere; 

JJai turned agayn with sides sare, 

And al >aire pomp noght worth a pere. 

A pere of prise es more sum tyde 
pan all >e boste of Normondye. 

pai fled, and durst no dede habide, 
And all J>aire fare noght wurth a flye. 

ffor all J?aire fare J?ai durst noght fight, 
For dedes dint had bai slike dout; 

Now God help Edward in his right, 
Amen, and all his redy rowt. 

(Laurence Minot.) 

6. Turning now from the peoples to follow the fortunes of 
their languages; to begin with we have aeon- French in 
dition in which these were distinctive of race. England— a 
The necessary intercourse between those who mar ° race ' 
lived in the same country would naturally have as a result, that 
some of either race would become more or less acquainted 
with the language of the other; but for some time the natural 
speech of the Norman was Norman- French, as that of the 
Englishman was English. But from the first the relative posi- 
tions of the two races must have tended to make the use of French 
distinctive in another way. French was the language of the 
higher class because the race to which it belonged formed the 
most important element in that class. And when the distinction 
of race had become obscured, distinction of class remained, and 
p 



210 Outlines of the History of the English Language 

one point that marked the higher from the lower was the use of 
French. That at the end of the 13th century 

class* ° French held its position in England by a tenure, 

which had somewhat changed from that of the 

earlier time, may be seen from the lines of Robert of Gloucester, 

with which he concludes his account of the Norman Conquest : 

pus com, lo ! Engelond • into Normandies hond. 
& ]?e Normans ne cou}?e speke \>o> • bote hor owe speche, 
& speke French as hii dude atom • & hor children dude also teche. 
So pat heiemen of pis lond ■ pat of hor blod come, 
Holdep alle pulke speche • pat hii of horn nome. 
Vor bote a man conne Frenss • me telp of him lute; 
Ac lowe men holdep to Engliss • &° to hor owe speche yute, 
Ich wene J?er ne be]? in al \>e world • contreyes none, 
pat ne holdej? to hor owe speche • bote Engelond one. 
Ac wel me wot uor to conne • boJ?e wel it is, 
Vor \>q more )?at a man can • fce more wur]?e he is. 

And that French was regarded rather as a foreign speech at 
this time, even by those of the class that had used it since the 
Conquest, is shewn by the terms in which Edward I. addresses 
the Archbishop and Clergy in the summons to the Parliament 
of 1295. The country was then at war with France, and an 
appeal was made to the patriotism of the clergy by telling how 
the French king had threatened that, if he were successful, he 
would utterly destroy the English tongue. 1 

In the 14th century the position of French is yet more 
clearly defined by the words of a contemporary 
French in the writer. Higden (d. 1363), whose Polycronicon 
14th century. CO mes down to the year 1342, says (to quote the 
translation of 1385): 'Chyldern in scole, a^enes ]?e usage and 
manere of al o\tx nacions, buj? compelled for to leue here 

1 Rex Franciae . . . praedictis fraude et nequitia non contentus, ad expug- 
nationem regni nostri classe maxima et bellatorum copiosa multitudine 
congregatis, cum quibus regnum nostrum et regni ejusdem incolas hostiliter 
jam invasit, linguam Anglicam, si conceptae iniquitatis proposito detestabili 
potestas correspondeat, quod Deus avertat, omnino de terra delere proponit 



Chapter XI 211 

oune longage, & for to construe here lessons & here Jnnges 
a Freynsch, & habbep, suj?]?e ]?e Normans come furst into 
Engelond. Also gentil men children bup ytau^t for to speke 
Freynsch fram tyme fat a but> yrokked in here cradel, & 
conne)? speke and playe wip a child hys brouch; and op- 
londysch men wol lykne hamsylf to gentil men, & fondep wi}> 
gret bysynes for to speke Freynsch, for to be more ytold of. ' 1 
From this it is evident that English was the natural speech of 
all living in England, and that French was a foreign one to be 
deliberately acquired. And that such was the light in which 
the two were regarded may be shewn by an extract from the 
Cursor Mundi (c. 1320), whose author says: 

pis ilke boke is translate 

Unto Engliss tung to rede 

For J?e hme of Englijs lede, 

Englis lede of meri Ingeland 

For J?e comen to understand. 

Frenkis rimes here I rede 

Comunli in ilka stede; 

pat es most made for Frankis men, 

Quat helpes him >at non can cen. 

Of Ingland J?e nacione 

Er Englijs men in comune, 

pe speche J?at men may mast wid spede 

Mast to speke J?arwid war nede; 

Seldom was for ani chance 

Englis tong preched in France, 

Gif we ]?aim ilkan j?air language 

And J?an do we non uterage. 

To lewid and Englis men I spell 

pat understandis quat I can tell. 

The feeling here expressed is somewhat like that which in 
later times might have been felt by a patriotic Russian, who 

1 Pueri in scholis, contra morem caeterarum nationum, a primo Norman- 
norum adventu derelicto proprio vulgari, construere Gallice compelluntur; 
item filii nobilium ab ipsis cunabulorum crepundiis ad Gallicum idioma 
informantur. Quibus profecto rurales homines assimilari volentes, ut per 
hoc spectabiliores videantur, francigenare satagunt omni nisu, 



212 Outlines of the History of the English Language 

protested against the use of French by the higher classes of 
his countrymen. It is not the preference given to one of two 
languages, where both have a right to exist, that is the subject 
of complaint, but the preference given to a foreign over the 
native language. 

That in the first half of the 14th century French occupied 
such a position in England as has been indi- 
French after cated was soon to lead to very important results, 
c. 1350— in Having no stronger hold upon the country than 

among the the precarious one which fashion gave, it was 

upper classes, unable to withstand the strong anti-French feel- 
ing produced by the wars of Edward III., and rapidly lost 
ground. So the translator of Higden, quoted above, finds 
it necessary when writing in 1385 to append this very signifi- 
cant note to the statement of his original: 'pys manere (the 
manner described in the previous extract) was moche y-used 
tofore fe furste moreyn (1349), & ys seffe somdel ychaunged. 
For Iohan Cornwel, a mayster of gramere, chayngede f e lore 
in gramerscole, & construccion of Freynsch into Englysch; 
& Richard Pencrych lurnede fat manere techyng of hym, & 
ofer men of Pencrych; so fat now, fe ^er of oure Lord a 
fousond fre hondred foure score & fyue, of f e secunde kyng 
Richard after fe conquest nyne, in al fe gramerscoles of 
Engelond childern leuef Frensch and construe)? & lurnef an 
Englysch, and habbef ferby avauntage in on syde & des- 
avauntage yn anofer; here avauntage ys, fat a lurnef here 
gramer yn lasse tyme fan childern wer ywoned to do — dis- 
avauntage ys, fat now childern of gramerscole connef no more 
Frensch fan can here lift heele, & fat ys harm for ham, & 
a scholle passe f e se & trauayle in strange londes, & in meny 
caas also. Also gentil men habbef now moche yleft for to 
teche here childern Frensch.' The writer, no doubt, thought 
it unnecessary to remark that the ' oplondysch men ' also ceased 
to cultivate French. Significant, too, of the transition are the 
words of Sir John Maundeville in the preface to his book of 



Chapter XI 213 

travels, written in the middle of the century: 'I have put this 
boke out of Latyn into Frensche, and translated it a^en out of 
Frensche into Englyssche, that every man of my nacioun may 
understonde it.' 

Nor was official recognition of the change wanting. By 
a statute of 1362 the previous practice of con- 
ducting pleadings in the law courts in French fan*"^"* 1 
was altered, and it was ordered that the pleadings 
should henceforth be in English. The reason for this step, 
according to the preamble of the statute, was that great ' mis- 
chiefs arose, because the laws, customs and statutes of the 
realm were not commonly holden and kept in the same realm, 
for that they were pleaded, shewed and judged in the French 
tongue, which is much unknown in the realm ' ; it was conse- 
quently considered advisable that customs and laws should 
appear in the tongue used in the realm. 

Before the end of the 14th century, then, it had been 
settled that of the two languages which confronted one another 
in 1066, the national speech of the people, who had grown 
from the fusion of the two races that spoke them, should be 
the one that before 1066 had been able to hold its own in the 
island against all comers; and in the works of Chaucer and of 
Wicklif at once came ample proof that English was worthy of 
the title which once more it had vindicated for itself, that 
of a national language. 

7. But though the language which had been adopted by 
the Normans in the home of their first conquest 

1 -ii-i Effects of 

was not destined to meet with a like acceptance French on 
from the people of the country to which after En * hsh - 
a second conquest they transferred it, yet it survived there long 
enough to produce a strong, and, to a very great extent, a last- 
ing impression on the language of England. For after its 
coming the older practice of the native speech in respect "both 
to vocabulary and to grammar was revolutionised. English 
was no longer the language of the most powerful and the most 



214 Outlines of the History of the English Language 

cultivated, as it had been in the days of Alfred and of yElfric; 
it could not resist the imposition upon it of the terms most 
characteristic of a dominant class, terms connected with govern- 
ment and law, with the Church, with sports and with war; and 
as it was no longer the language of scholars, its grammatical 
accuracy decayed in the home of iElfric of Winchester, as 
before his time it had decayed in the home of Alcuin of York. 
8. When speaking of Latin of the First and Second Periods, 

it was possible within moderate limits to give the 
Thir^Ped©^ contributions to the language which fail under 

those headings. But to Latin of the Third 
Period belongs so large a number of words that no list of them 
can be attempted, and only certain points of contrast with the 
earlier cases can be noted. In the first place the new material 
was not so much as had been the case before an enlargement 
of the resources of the vocabulary. On the one hand the intro- 
duction of French words often meant the exclusion of native 

ones : cy?ie-lic 9 cyne-stol, cyne-helm, cyne-gierd 
words 3 ° ° were replaced by royal, throne, diadem or crown, 

sceptre ; de'ma, sacu by judge, case or suit ; in the 
language of religion dced-bot, mildheortnes, gifu give way to 
penance, ?nercy, grace ; frip and sibb, wig, sige, fierd are dis- 
placed by peace, war, victory, army ; and the great council of 
the nation is not the witena gemot, the meeting of its wise 
men, but Parliament, an assembly of speakers. On the 
other it meant the use of two words, which at first denoted 
approximately the same thing, e.g. arms as well as weapons, 
battle and fight, county and shire, people and folk. 

Further, the adoption of French words marked the abandon- 
^ , ment of the old plan in accordance with which 

Transference r 

instead of native material had been used to translate the 

new idea expressed by a foreign word; such 
usage as gave to the language words like bo cere and sundor-halga 
died out, and the borrowing which gave scribe and pharisee 
took its place. The language, then, had turned aside from the 



Chapter XI 215 

course, which earlier it had followed, to pursue a track in which, 
less and less depending upon its own resources, it more and 
more lost the singleness of vocabulary which once had marked 
it. The Norman Conquest broke down the barriers which 
foreign languages had found so difficult to surmount, and 
opened free way for the numberless foreign elements which 
since have found a place in English. 

9. So far it has been rather the negative side of the case 
that has been noticed, and the fortunes of French 
have been followed until they reach the point at ^ nghsh after 
which all chance of its becoming the language of 
England is lost. We must now turn to the positive side and 
try to notice how from Old English speech in the main was 
worked out a language, which thus from the nature both of 
its vocabulary and grammar properly retained the old name, 
English. 

It has been seen that before the Norman Conquest, among 
the different forms of English speech, one, that The osition 
of Wessex, was preeminent. To Wessex be- of English 
longed political supremacy, and in its dialect the 
greatest part of the Old English literature that has come down 
to us is written : of the others only scanty specimens remain. 
But after the fall of the English power no English dialect had 
the same advantage over its fellows as had been got by the 
speech of Alfred and of ^Elfric; very much the same case pre- 
sented itself, though from a different cause, as earlier times had 
offered, when various English kingdoms were still contending 
for supremacy; once more it was a question what form of 
English should become the representative English speech. Of 
the language conditions which existed during the period which 
elapsed before the question so put received its answer, we must 
now try to gain some idea. Naturally the characteristics of the 
earlier times continued to mark the later. The grammar of the 
South remained fuller than that of the North, so much so that 
the Kentish Ayenbite of Inwyt (1340) shews inflections that 



2i6 Outlines of the History of the English Language 

two centuries before had been discarded by the Northern 
writers. The vocabulary of the North shews the influence of 
the Scandinavians in the numerous words it contains adopted 
from them, while the vocabulary of the South shews few such 
words. On the other hand the vocabulary of the South shews 
much stronger marks than does that of the North of the later 
Norman influence ; there are far more French words in the 
former than in the latter. The preservation of earlier distinc- 
tions, too, may be noted. In the 14th century the dialect of 
Kent is still distinguished from other Southern speech; and 
north of the Thames the earlier grouping of Northumbrian and 
Mercian is continued by the distinction of Northern from East 
and West Midland dialects. And not only by difference of 
grammar and vocabulary were dialects marked, the forms, 
whether spoken or written, of words were different. How the 
conditions we are trying to realise struck a contemporary may 
be seen by the following extract from a work already quoted, 
Higden's Polycronicon, as translated by John of Trevisa: 
'Englysch men, pey^ hy hadde fram pe bygynnyng pre maner 
speche, Souperon, Norperon, & Myddel speche (in the myddel 
of pe lond), as hy come of pre maner people of Germania, 
nopeles, by commyxstion & mellyng furst wip Danes & after- 
ward wip Normans, in menye pe contray longage is apeyred 
(corrupta), & som usep strange wlaffyng, chyteryng, harryng 
& garryng, grisbittyng (boatus et garritus)... Hyt semep a gret 
wonder hou^ Englysch, pat ys pe burp-tonge of Englysch men 
and here oune longage & tonge, ys so dyuers of soun in pis 
ylond, & pe longage of Normandy ys comlyng (adventitia) of 
anoper lond, & hap on maner soun among al men pat spekep 
hyt ary^t in Engelond. Nopeles per ys as meny dyuers maner 
Frensch yn pe rem of Fraunce as ys dyuers manere Englysch 
in pe rem of Engelond. Also, of (de) pe foreseyde Saxon tonge 
pat ys deled a pre... men of pe est wip men of pe west, as hyt 
were undur pe same party of heuene, acordep more in sounyng 
of speche pan men of pe norp wip men of pe soup; perfore hyt 



Chapter XI 217 

ys fat Mercij, fat buf men of myddel Engelond, as hyt were 
parteners of f e endes, undurstondeth betre f e syde longages, 
Norferon & Souferon, fan Norferon & Souferon under- 
stondef eyfer ofer. Al fe longage of fe Norpumbres, & 
specialych at 3ork, ys so scharp, slyttyng & frotyng, & unschape 
(ita stridet incondita), fat we Souferon men may fat longage 
unnefe (vix) undurstonde. Y trowe fat fat ys bycause fat 
a buf ny^ to strange men & aliens fat spekef strangelych, & also 
bycause fat f e kynges of Engelond wonef alwey fer fram fat 
contray: For a buf more yturnd to fe souf con tray; & ^ef 
a gof to f e norf contray, a gof wif gret help & strengf e. pe 
cause why a buf more in f e souf contray fan in f e norf may 
be, betre cornlond, more people, more noble cytes, & more 
profytable hauenes.' The end, to which the original of this 
passage had pointed, had been reached when (in 1385) the 
translation was made. For it was from neither of the extremes, 
Norferon and Souferon, that the representative speech of 
England had come; the North was far from the political and 
social centre of the kingdom, 'fe kynges of Engelond wonef 
alwey fer fram fat contray ' ; and as that centre was no longer 
Winchester, but London, it was not given to the speech of 
Wessex to regain its old supremacy. It was in a dialect of 
'myddel Engelond ' where lived the 'parteners of the endes ' 
that Chaucer wrote, and in his writings the East Midland 
attained the dignity of a national language. 

10. From the period between the Norman Conquest and 
the writing of the Canterbury Tales has come __ . , 

° y The material 

down a fairly continuous series of works, in from which a 
which the Northern and Midland forms of i3^ dge ° f 

Jknglish may 

English speech are as well represented as is the be gained from 
Southern. From these works a few specimens 
may now be taken in order to shew both some of the marks by 
which the speeches of different localities are distinguished 
from one another, and some of the changes which these 
speeches underwent during the period in question. 



2 1 8 Outlines of the History of the English Language 

The Conquest, fortunately, does not mark a break in the 
continuity of the linguistic record. Of the four MSS. of the 
Chronicle which were carried on until 1066, one ends with 
that year, and two others make their last entries under the 
years 1070 and 1079 respectively; but the fourth, that con- 
nected with Peterborough, is not closed until the accession of 
Henry II. is recorded. A brief examination of a passage from 
this final entry will shew something of the condition of the 
East Midland dialect about a hundred years after the Con- 
quest : 

On )?is gser wserd J>e king Stephen ded & bebyried per his 

The English w ^ & n * s sune w3eron bebyried set Fauresfeld. 
chronicle of paet minstre hi makeden. pa ]?e king was ded. 
fa was }?e eorl beionde sae. & ne durste nan man 
don o]?er bute god for pe micel eie (awe) of him. pa he to 
Engleland com. fa was he underfangen (received) mid micel 
wurtscipe. & to king bletcsed in Lundene on ]?e Sunnendaei 
beforen midwinterdaei. & held pser micel curt. 

Here, as regards vocabulary, there is little to indicate 
foreign influence; but the one instance of a French word is 
characteristic, and while in 1101 it is said that the king 'heold 
hishired, 1 in 1154 the king holds his curt. 1 Change, however, 
in the use of English material may be noticed, and the fate of 
two English words is foreshadowed by the abandonment both 
of the regular phrase in the early entries, when the death of 
a king is recorded, e.g. ' Eadweardf ord-ferde, ' and of another 
English verb, sweltan, e.g. i Willelm swealt on Normandige.' 
Bless, too, tends to displace hallow, cf. the entry under 1042 : 

1 The passage in its slight use of foreign words is characteristic of the 
Chronicle. Morris (Grammar, Appendix III, * words of Norman-French 
origin in the English Language before 1300') gives only fourteen Norman- 
French words from the Chronicle. In the same Appendix are given words 
of this class occurring in other English works before 1300, and the student 
is referred to the material there collected to get an idea of the general 
indebtedness of English to Norman-French during the period covered. 



Chapter XI 219 

'Her wses ./Edward gehalgod to cyng'; and make is used in 
a way that deprives work of part of its force, and may 
help to drive timbrian out of the language. 1 Short as the 
passage is, then, it will suggest three main classes of change — 
loss of old material, change in the use of old material, 
introduction of new material. Change of form is also to 
be seen; e takes the place of other vowels in terminations, 
sune for sunn; makedtn for macodon ; beionde, Engteland, 
sunnen, beforen for begeond&n, Engl&land, sunn&n, befor&n ; 
diphthongs are simplified, the dead and heold of the Mercian 
Psalter are ded and held in our passage; the tendency to 
assimilation is shewn in the substitution of f>e for se in the 
masculine of ficeL In the matter of inflections considerable 
progress has been made towards Modern English : the neglect 
of case-endings may be seen from the following contrasts : 

on ]>is g3er for on Hssum geare 

set Fauresfeld )?a3t minstre " set Fauresfelda f>aem minstre 

for \>q micel eie " for J?am miclan ege 

mid micel wurtscipe " mid miclum weor}?scipe 

on >e sunnendsei " on >am sunnandsege 

to Engleland " to Englalande 

to king " to cyninge 

and number is not marked in 

waeron bebyriedyfrr waeron bebyrigde. 

In construction, too, modern tendencies are to be seen. 
The use of the passive, ( ]>e king wcerd bebyriedj instead of the 
active with the indefinite man, may be contrasted with this 
latter use in the entry of 1066: 'Se cyng Eadward fordferde, 
and hine mann bebyrgede. ' The omission of the relative in 'the 
minster (which) they made ? is quite usual in modern English, 
but was rare in the old, where the regular construction is 
that of the following verse, 'fa burh y^ Adames beam getim- 
brodon' (Gen. xii. 5); this now might be rendered 'the city 

1 Mynster wyrcan, mynster timbrian are usual phrases of Old English; 
neither is now used. 



220 Outlines of the History of the English Language 



Adam's children were building/ and the omission of the 
relative would not attract notice. And the increasing use of 
the prepositional phrase instead of inflection gives us the quite 
modern form 'for the micel eie of him 9 in place of one in 
which the genitive his would be used : cf . the old and modern 
renderings of John vii. 13 : 



Ne spsec nan man openlice for 
peer a Iudea ege. 



No man spake openly for fear of 
the Jews. 



Finally it may be noted that modern English uses nearly 
all the material contained in the passage. The adverb pa and 
the verb which is contained in under-fangen have quite dis- 
appeared; hi has yielded to they ; ward, infin. weorpan, the 
corresponding form of which is still so much used in German, 
has now a very slender hold on English in ' Woe worth the day' ; 
the common word awe is rather from the Scandinavian form 
of a word cognate with eie (earlier ege), than from eie itself; and 
per can no longer be used as a relative, but with these excep- 
tions the language is almost that of to-day. 

11. Language, however, in other parts of England at the 
same time was by no means equally suggestive 
Riwie an" 6 oi Modern English; and even fifty years later a 
the southern southern writer used grammatical forms already 
abandoned in the dialect of the chronicler. 
This may be seen in the following extract from The Ancren 
Riwle, a work composed soon after 1200 for the instruction of 
the sisters of a religious house in Dorset: 



Uorjri was ihoten a Godes half 
iden olde lawe ]?et put were euer 
iwrien ; & jif eni unwrie put were, 
& best feolle J?erinne, he hit schulde 
3elden )?et bene put unwreih. pis 
is a swude dredlich word to wummen 
J?et scheawed hire to wepmonnes 
eien. Heo is bitocned bi ]>e J?et 
unwried >ene put: J?e put is hire veire 



Therefore it was ordered on the 
part of God in the old law that 
a pit should be ever covered, and if 
there were any uncovered pit, and 
a beast fell therein, he should pay 
for it, that uncovered the pit. This 
is a very dreadful saying for a woman 
that shews herself to a man's eyes. 
She is betokened by the person that 



Chapter XI 221 

neb, & hire hwite swire, & hire uncovers the pit : the pit is her fair 
hond, 3if heo halt ford in his eih- face, and her white neck, and her 
sihde. Best is j?e bestliche mon bet hand, if she holds it forth in his 
ne >encheb nout of God, ne ne note}? eyesight. A beast is the brutish 
nout his wit ase mon ouh to donne. man that thinks not of God, nor 

uses his wit as one ought to do. 

That in this passage, though we are nearer in time to the 
modern speech, we are further in fact from it than in the 
previous specimen, will probably be felt at once, and a brief 
examination of the work makes it easy to account for the 
impression. As regards vocabulary, there is again slight trace * 
of foreign influence. Best and bestlich shew French material 
displacing the native riieten 2 and nietenlic, and law, which is 
of Scandinavian origin, turns out the native ai. s Change in 
native words, too, is seen in scheawed ; the verb to shew 
(sceawian) earlier, like German schauen, meant to look ; here it 
has taken the place of old cet-iewan, which consequently ceases 
to be used. Ouh, again, which denoted possession as in ow-n, 
is encroaching upon shall, and is coming to denote obligation, 
as in ough-t. Lastly it will be noticed that much of the 
material has been either lost or so changed that it is not readily 
connected with modern English. I-hoten, i-wrien, swufie, 
wcepmon, swire, notefi, have entirely disappeared; heo (the true 
feminine of he) for which the chronicler was already using scce, 
has, except in dialects, been replaced by she; half, ^elden, neb, 
ouh are left in be-half, yield, nib or neb, owe, but the old mean- 
ings side, pay, face, ought, are so different from the present, that 

1 But it will be seen from a glance at the lists given by Morris (v. ante 
p. 218, n.) that the proportion of French words is much greater in the 
Ancren Riwle than in the Chronicle. The ecclesiastical character of the 
former work may partly explain this. 

2 The reference in the passage is to Exod. xxi. 34, where the old West 
Saxon version translates jumentum by riieten. 

3 For the change from se to law Lk. x. 26 in the versions of c. 1000 
and c. 1 150 may be noted; the former has : Hwset is gewritten on j?asre s?; 
the latter : Hwset is gewriten on J?are lage. 



222 Outlines of the History of the English Language 

the connection of the earlier and later forms is obscured; and 
dred-lich has been an unsuccessful competitor of dredfuL In 
their vocabularies, then, the two passages illustrate the same 
general changes, but the later has less in common with modern 
English than the earlier. And this distinction is yet more 
definitely marked in the grammatical forms. Thus in contrast 
with the earlier the later shews the following inflections : 

i den olde lawe (dat.) representing in daem ealdan lage {the feminine 

gender of lagu is however not kepi) 
j>ene put {ace.) " J?one pyt 

wummen (dat.) " wifmen (wimmen) 

eien (det. pi.) " eagum 

eihsihde (dat.) " eagsihde : 

The definite declension of the adjective is marked in A? 
bestliehe mon, hire veire neb, hire hwife swire, i den olde lawe 
(cf. for fee micel eie in the Chronicle). 

In pronouns the old he, heo, hit contrasts with he, sece, it, 
of the Chronicle, and the instrumental of the demonstrative is 
kept in UorfA. It will be seen, then, that the grammar of 
the Aneren Riwle is hardly further removed from Old English 
than the grammar of the Chronicle is from modern English. 

One other kind of difference between the two dialects may 

be just noted — difference of form. Thus the old a of geh&ten 

in the Chronicle (1154) appears as o in the ihoten of our 

passage, and in bitocned ; 2o of the old preterites, Keold,feoll, is 

kept in feolle while the Chronicle has held; and v takes the 

place of/ in vor and veire, while/remains in the other dialect. 

The different characters of the two dialects, the one 

suggestive of the past, the other of the future, 

illustration of present a contrast that may justify a further 

the southern attempt to illustrate some of the language con- 

mon's* Brut* 7 * 1 " ditions in those dialects early in the 13th 

century. To that period belong the Brut of 

Layamon and the Ormnlum. Layamon, who was a priest 

living in Worcestershire, wrote a metrical chronicle, based 



Chapter XI 223 

mainly on the Anglo-Norman chronicle of Wace, 1 dealing with 
British history from fabulous times down to the end of the 7th 
century. Two texts of the work exist, one of which is about 
fifty years later than the other; it is from the earlier (c. 1205) 
that the following lines are taken : 

And ich wulle uaren to Aualun And I will fare to Avalon 

To uairest aire maidene to fairest of all maidens 

To Argante j?ere quene to Argante the queen 

& heo shal mine wunden and she shall my wounds 

makien alle isunde make all sound 

al hal me makien all whole me make 

mid halewei3e drenchen make me to drink of balm. 

And seode ich cumen wulle And after I will come 

to mine kineriche to my kingdom 

and wunien mid Brutten and dwell with Britons 

mid muchelere wunne with much delight 

iEfne j?an worden Lo at those words 

J?er com of se wenden there came moving from sea 

J?at wes an sceort bat liden it was a short boat sailing 

sceouen mid uden driven with the waves 

and twa wimmen )?erinne and two women therein 

wunderliche idihte wonderfully arrayed 

and heo nomen Ardur anon and they took Arthur anon. 

How the old language was still able to supply the author's 
needs is shewn by the fact, that with one exception - — halewei^ej 
which if not English is at any rate Teutonic — all the words of 
this passage may be found in the Old English dictionary. And 
in respect to the absence of foreign material the extract is no 
unfair representative of the whole poem, for though the earlier 
text extends to nearly 30,000 lines, not 50 words of French 
origin are to be found in it. 2 That the poet was hardly less 

1 ' Boc he non . . . J?a makede a Frenchis clerc Wace wes ihoten. ? 

2 The later text, which is rather shorter than the earlier, contains, 
besides about 30 French words common to both, about 40 others, so that 
in the 57,000 lines of the two there are scarcely 100 French words. This 
will shew how very slightly the vocabulary of at any rate one part of Eng- 
land had been affected by French so long after the Conquest as the first 
half of the 13th century. 



224 Outlines of the History of the English Language 

faithful to the old grammar than to the old vocabulary will 
appear from the following comparisons. 

Lay anion Old English 

aire maidene {gen. pi.) ealra msegdena 

J?ere quene (dat. fern.) J>aere cwene 

mine wunden alle isunde (ace. pi,) mine wunda(-e) ealle gesunde 

to mine kineriche (dat. neut.) to minum cynerice 

mid Brutten (dat. pi.) mid Bryttum 

mid muchelere wunne {dat. J r em.) mid mycelre wynne 

J?an worden (dat. pi.) ]?am wordum 

mid uden (dat. pi.) mid ydum 

idihte (nom.pl.) gedihte 

ich 7", heo she, heo they ic, heo, hie. 

In the verbs the infinitive ending -an remains in the -en 
of uaren, drenchen, cumen, wenden, Helen, and the ending -tan is 
distinguished from this in makien, wunien. The terminations 
are still kept in wull-e, nom-en, sceou-en = older wille, nom-on, 
scof-en. In two instances only is an inflection absent, viz. 
uairest =fcegrost-um, and kal = hal-ne ; and twice besides 
strict grammar is neglected, wund-en is made weak instead of 
strong, and the feminine form of the numeral is used with 
wimtnen; but as the feminine pronoun {seo wifman, Judges 
iv. 21) is found with the word before the Conquest, this latter 
instance need not be pressed. Hardly anywhere in the passage 
has the language broken with the past, and in its unmixed 
vocabulary and well-preserved inflections there is little to sug- 
gest the modern English, which draws its words from many 
sources and has its grammar simple. 

13. To about the same time belong Layamon's Brut and 

the Ormulum, a collection of metrical homilies 

Midianddia- by Orm (or Ormin), of whom little more is 

lect— the known than that he was an Augustinian canon. 

Ormulum. • ° 

In the matter of vocabulary the two works are 
alike in the slightness of the French element, but they differ 
in the extent to which they shew Scandinavian influence; in 
the Ormulum a large number of Danish words have worked 



Chapter XI 225 

to the surface, as was to be expected in the dialect — the 
East Midland — used by the writer. A short extract may be 
enough to illustrate the contrast between different forms of 
contemporary English: 

& bi J?att allterr stoden %.-# 

J?att follkess 1 hali3domess, 
!>att waerenn inn an arrke )?aer 

wel & wurr)>like 2 3emmde. 
& taer oferr >att arrke wass 

an oferrwerrc wel 3 timmbredd, 
& tser uppo )>att oferrwerrc 

J?e33 haffdenn liccness 4 metedd. 
off Cherubyn, & haffdenn itt 

o twe33enn stokess metedd. 
& att te minnstre-dure wass 

an allterr >aer wi»uten ; 
& bi >att allterr wass ]?e 5 lac 

o fele wise 6 3arrkedd 
J?urrh preostess, alls uss se33l? so}? boc, 

off Aaroness chilldre. 

In the language of Layamon we are still close to the Old 
English grammar; in the language of Orm we are already close 
to the modern English grammar. With the exception, among 
nouns, of childre (which represents the old cildru), and, among 
verbs, of the past plurals wceren, hafden, stoden, and the plural 
participle ^ m ^ e ( not \emed') there is nothing to differentiate the 
inflectional system of the passage from that of mo'dern English. 
The nouns which follow prepositions governing the dative have 
the same form as the nominative (e.g. qferwere invv. 6, 7); the 
accusative after the verb has no termination in the old feminine 
licnes, and the relation of this word with Cherubyn is marked by 
a preposition, not as of old by the genitive. 7 The old demon- 
strative has given the two forms pe, pat, but neither takes 

1 relics. 2 kept. 3 built. 

4 painted. 5 sacrifices. 6 prepared. 

7 The contrast between the old and the modern on this point may 



226 Outlines of the History of the English Language 

inflection for case or gender; fit is for a dative feminine in 
att te ( = fie) minstre-dure, and for the neuter nominative in fie 
lac : fiat is for the gen. neut. in fiat folkes, for dat. neut. in 
bi fiat alter, for dat. fern, in of er fiat arke. In the same way an, 
which in the phrase in an arke should be dat. fern, is undis- 
tinguished from the nom. neut. in an oferwerc. Twe^en, also, 
has lost its old dative twarn, and is no more distinguished in 
its cases than is the noun stokes, with which it agrees. 1 7/ 
drops the aspirate; they is already used instead of the old hie, 
and their, them can be used in the other cases. That instead 
of older fie is used as an indeclinable relative, and in v. 3 refers 
to a plural masculine. Even so short an extract as that given 
may shew that little change remained to be made in the 
grammar in order to reach the simplicity of Modern English. 
And the evidence of the Ormulum as to the condition of 
language in the district to which it belongs is all the more 
valuable from the fact, that its author shews himself to have 
been to a remarkable degree concerned for linguistic accuracy. 
He carefully marked quantity by doubling a consonant after 
a short vowel, when the consonant was final, e.g. wass, or was 
followed by another consonant, e.g. werrc haffden; when the 
consonant came between vowels it remained single, e.g.fele. 
His interest in the matter is shewn by the appeal he makes to 
anyone who should transcribe his work : 

he loke well >att he 
An bocstaff write twi33ess, 

be shewn by comparing the A.S. and A.V. renderings of the same pas- 
sage: 

Ne wirce ge eow nane andlicniss- Lest ye make you . . . the likeness 

a nanes nytenes ne fugeles. of any beast, the likeness of any fowl. 

Deut. iv. 16, 17. 
The Ormulum here is exactly on a level with the A.V. 

1 The contrast between the Brut and the Ormulum may here be 
illustrated. In the former Leir says : Ich habbe i^euen hit (the kingdom) 
mine twam dohtren. Again, while the former is on a level with Old 
English, the latter is at least as modern as the Authorised Version. 



Chapter XI 227 

Egghwaer hser itt uppo }?iss boc 

Iss writenn o >att wise 
Loke he well J?att het write swa, 

Forr he ne ma33 nohht elles 
Onn Ennglissh writenn rihht te word, 

patt wite he well to so>e. 

14. If now we pass from 1200 to 1300 and take specimens 
of work that were written about the later date, 

,, • r i i i*i* The dialects 

we may see something of the language conditions c ISOO __ Ro bert 
of the time, and may get an approximate idea of of Gloucester's 

i-i 1 1 r -n 11 i Chronicle: 

the course which must have been followed by the 
two dialects in the interval. The first specimen is taken from 
the metrical chronicle of Robert of Gloucester, which was 
written at the close of the 13th century, and, as the surname of 
its author suggests, in a southern dialect. The passage occurs 
in the account of William the Conqueror : 

Game of houndes he louede inou • & of wilde best, 

& is forest & is wodes • & mest >e niwe forest, 

pat is in Sou]?hamtessire • vor j?ulke he louede inou, 

& astorede wel mid bestes • & lese mid gret wou. 

Vor he caste out of house and hom • of men a gret route, 

& binom hor lond, $e, hritti mile • & more J?eraboute, 

& made it al forest & lese • >e bestes uor to fede. 

Of pouere men deserited • he nom lutel hede. 

peruore J?herinne vel • mony mischeuing, 

& is sone was j?erinne issote • William, J?e rede king; 

& is o sone, )?at het Richard • ca3te J?er is de)? also, 

& Richard, is o neueu • brec here is nekke J?erto, 

As he rod an honteh • & parauntre is hors spurnde. 

pe unri3t ido to pouere men • to such mesaunture turnde. 

It may be inferred from a comparison of this passage with 
any of like extent in Layamon's Chronicle, that 
during the 13th century French words had been 
admitted into the language of the south-western parts of 
England in considerable numbers. In the fourteen lines given 
above occur best, forest, astorede, route, pouere, deserited, 



228 Outlines of the History of the English Language 

mischeuing, ea^te, neueu, paraunture, mesaunture; 1 and it will 
be noted that, practically, none of this material has since been 
abandoned. The language, as has been noticed, was differ- 
ently affected by such borrowings; e.g. deer and wood remained 
alongside beast and fore st (cf. Sherwood Forest) ; while poorhas 
displaced the old eartn and fiearfa, and heir with its fellows 
turns out old ierfe-numa, -weard, &c. But in either case it 
meant that the borrowing of foreign words was the admitted 
practice of the language, while the vocabulary of Layamon 
is almost as exclusively English as is that of ./Elfric. 2 

The grammar, too, is completely changed from that of 
Layamon. The distinction of cases is lost; bestes 

its grammar. . . r . _ 

is the accusative after fede, and the dative after 
mid; phrases with of take the place of the genitive, game of 
houndes, 2l route of men ; gret has the same uninfected form 
when dat. neut. in mid gret won, and when ace. fern, in a gret 
route; the weak declension of the adjective, however, seems 
marked in fie rede king, in the final e of rede. The definite 
article has the same form with the masc. nom. (fie king), the 
neut. nom. {fie unri^t), the fern. ace. (Reforest), and the ace. pi. 
(fie bestes) ; the indefinite article is equally flexionless in a (ace. 
fern.) route ; the relative fiat refers to a masculine antecedent 
in 1. ii, to a feminine in 1. 3. The old infinitive form with 
which the extract from the Ancren Riwle ends — to donne — is 
replaced by uor to fede : instead of the dative, as in Layamon, 
'ne do )>u him nan unrihtj a preposition without case distinc- 
tion is used 'fie unri^t ido to pouere men. ' The grammar of 
the south has given up the tradition which Layamon had pre- 
served, and, like the earlier Ormulum, Robert of Gloucester's 
Chronicle is everywhere suggestive of Modern English. 



1 See the Appendix in Morris' Grammar already referred to for the 
extent of the French element in Robert of Gloucester. 

2 Besides the French element there is also a trace of Scandinavian in 
cast. 



Chapter XI 229 

15. Naturally a contemporary East Midland work is not 
less suggestive in the same direction. In the 
following specimen, taken from Robert of Bmnne's 
Brunne's (Bourn in Lincolnshire) Handlyng 'Handiyng 
Synne, 1 little change would be needed to make 
it English of the present time : 

Fro J?at tyme J?an wax Pers 

A man of so feyre maners, 

A mylder man ne my3t nat be 

Ne to J?e pore more of almes fre; 

And reuful of herte also he was, 

pat mayst ]?ou here 2 lere yn J?ys 3 pas. 

Pers mette upon a day 

A pore man by J?e way, 

As naked as he was bore, 

pat yn J?e se had alle 4 lore. 

He come to Pers 6 }>ere he stode, 

And asked hym sum of hys gode, 

Sumwhat of hys clo)?yng, 

For J>e loue of heuene kyng. 

Pers was of reuful herte, 

He toke hys kyrtyl of, as 6 smert, 

And ded hyt on }?e man aboue 

And bad hym were hyt for hys loue. 

In this passage it is not traces of modern English that 
have to be sought, it is traces of the old. The Scandinavian 
fro is used instead of from, the verb wax is still strong, the 
double negative can be used, reuful has its old sense pitiful, 
lere, properly to teach, is like the corresponding Danish word 
used with the meaning of learn, alle keeps the plural e, lore 
is the old loren, f>ere still has a relative force, heuene seems to be 

1 This is a translation, made in 1303, of William of Waddington's Le 
Manuel des Pechiez. The translator in another of his works speaks of 
himself thus : 

Of Brunne I am, if any me blame, 
Robert Mannyng is my name. 

2 learn. 3 passage. 4 lost. 5 where. 6 smartly, quickly. 



230 Outlines of the History of the English Language 

the old gen. pi. heofona, and do on (later don) = to put on; this 
list about exhausts the differences that separate the passage 
perceptibly from Modern English. Amongst the rest which 
is so modern, one form is specially to be noted, the of at the 
end of the clause ' he took his kirtle off 1 ; compare with this the 
Old English 'Da dyde heo of hire reaf, ' Gen. xxxviii. 14; it is 
very rare to find the preposition at the end of the clause in Old 
English; it is a construction common in Scandinavian and in 
Modern English; moreover, of the verb itself very much the 
same remark may be made. 

16. Two only of the main divisions of English have so 

The North- ^ ar been noted; each has its special claims to 

em Dialect- consideration; the one from its relations to the 

the North- tit 

umbrian speech of the old literature, the other from its 

Psalter. relations to Modern English. But the third, 

the Northern, no less than the Southern has claims to notice 
derived from the past; for in Northern English, Csedmon and 
Bede wrote long before Alfred and JEUric were representatives 
of English literature. To illustrate some of the points which, 
as may be seen from the writer of the Polycronicon, were felt 
to distinguish in a very marked way Northern from both Mid- 
land and Southern dialects the following specimen is given 
from a Northumbrian Psalter. According to Professor Skeat it 
represents the Northumbrian dialect of the latter half of the 
thirteenth century. 

Psalm xiv. 

1. Lauerd, in J>i telde wha sal wone? 
In \>\ hali hille or wha reste mone? 

2. Whilke J?at incomes wemles, 
And ai wirkes rightwisenes; 

3. pat spekes sothnes in hert his, 

And noght dide swikeldome in tung his, 
Ne dide to his neghburgh iuel ne gram ; 
Ne ogaines his neghburgh upbraiding nam. 

4. To noght es lede lither in his sigh I, 
And dredand Lauerd he glades right. 



Chapter XI 231 

He }>at to his neghburgh sweres, 
And noght biswikes him ne deres. 
5. Ne his siluer til okir noght es giuand; 
Ne giftes toke ouer underand. 
pat does )?ese night and dai, 
Noght sal he be stired in ai. 

Higden remarks that Southern men had some difficulty in 
understanding Northern men because the latter differed so from 
the former in 'sounyng of speche.' To illustrate this point 
very slightly the southern forms of words occurring in the 
passage are put by the side of their northern equivalents : 

N. S. (Robert of Gloucester) 

Ltfuerd, h^li (old a) buerd, h^li 

wha (old hwa) ho, wo 

sal (old seal) ssal 

hille, lzther (oldy) hul, luther 

whilke {old hwilc) wuche 

wirkes (0/^ wyrcej?) wurcheth 

nogJti x\ghi (oldh.) no3t, ri3t 

dide (old dide) dude 

nam (a before nasal ) nom 

silver (old seolior) sulver 

negh-burgh (old neah-gebur) neihebur (the Ancren Riwle) 

He also speaks of the Danish influence; this may be seen 
in the use of mone (Icel. munn shall), ///( = to), okir (Icel. okr; 
the English form would have initial w) usury; and in the -and 
termination of the present participle (Icel. -andi), instead of 
-inde or -ing, as in the South. And the participle was not the 
only part of the verb which in this conjugation of the North 
must have struck a Southern ear. In the present tense, for 
example, the one inflection -es of the North corresponds to -s£, 
-ef> in the singular, and to -e/> in the plural of the South; and 
in the imperative plural again the North has -es, the South -ef>. 
The person-endings must have occurred so frequently, 1 that in 

1 It may be noted that in the short passage from John of Trevisa the 
-ef? termination occurs 15 times, and in the Northern Psalm -es occurs 
8 times. 



232 Outlines of the History of the English Language 

this one particular the speaker of one dialect would on hear- 
ing the other be constantly struck by a sense of strangeness. 
17. From these imperfect suggestions of a contrast between 
North and South we must turn to notice very 
dialect — ^the* briefly a contrast, of as long standing as the 
'Ayenbiteof other, between different parts of the South. 

Inwyt.' L 

Before the Conquest the dialect of Kent differed 
from that of Wessex, and still in the 14th century Kent had 
a distinct dialect, as may be seen from the following short 
specimen. It is taken from a work whose authorship, title, 
and date are thus given by its writer : 'f is boc is dan Michelis 
of Northgate, ywrite an Englis of his o^ene hand pet hatte : * 
Ayenbyte of inwyt. 2 And is of pe bochouse of saynt Austines 
of Canterberi . . . pis boc is 3 uolueld . . . ine pe yeare of oure 
lhordes beringe 1340/ 

pe pridde Godes heste. 

And ine pe stede of pe sabat pet wes straytliche yloked ine 
pe yalde la^e, zet holi cherche pane zonday to loky ine pe newe 
la^e. Vor oure lhord aros fram dyape to lyve pane zonday. 
An peruore me ssel nine loky and urepie zo holyliche and by 
ine reste of workes, and yeue hem more to godes seruise, and 
penche ane his sseppere and him bidde and ponky of his 
guode. And huo pet brekp pane zonday and pe opre he^e 
festes, pet byep yzet to loky ine holy cherche, zene^ep dyad- 
liche, uor he dep aye pe heste of god, bote yef het by uor zome 
nyede pet holi cherche grantep. Ac more zene^ep pe ilke 
pet dispendep pane zonday and pe festes ine zenne. 

That this dialect, which has much in common with that of 
Robert of Gloucester, is yet distinct from it, may be seen 
from comparing the following forms : 

Kent R. of G. O. E. 

yald old eald 

lhord louerd hlaford 

1 is called. 2 Remorse of conscience. 8 completed. 



Chapter XI 


233 


R. of G. 


O.E. 


de> 


deaj? 


ded 


dead 


ssal 


sceal 


frudien (Layamon) 


fridian 


be 


beon 


?iue 


giefan, gifan 


god 


god 


ho, wo 


hwa 


heie 


heage 


bej> 


beo> 


chirche 


cyrice 


sunegej> (Ancren Riwle) 


syngian 


sunne 


synne 


nede 


nied, nead 


z's of Kentish are s's 


with Robert of 



Kent. 
f dya> 
I dyad 

ssel 

urejne 

by (to be) 

?eue 

guod 

huo 

he$e 

bye]? 

cherche 

zene$e)> 

zenne 

nyede 

and all the initial 
Gloucester. 1 

Before leaving this specimen of Kentish English one point 
in regard to its vocabulary may be noted. The work was 
translated from the French for the benefit of those who did not 
know that language, and intended for the ordinary layman; 
as the author says : 

Nou ich wille \>et ye ywyte hou hit is y-went, 
pet Ms boc is y-write mid engliss of kent. 
pis boc is y-mad uor lewede men 
Vor uader and uor moder and uor oJ?er ken. 

Yet in the short quotation given above five words of French 
origin are used, straytliche, seruise, festes, gran te ft, dispendefi, 
and the first is so much at home in English that it has a native 
suffix. So that the Kentish dialect, even if it retained more of 
the old grammar than others, was not freer from foreign words 
than they were. 

1 There is not space to dwell upon the grammatical forms preserved in 
the Kentish dialect. As in other Southern works they are fuller than those 
of even earlier Northern and Midland specimens; for an account of them 
the student is referred to the preface of Dr Morris's edition of the Ayenbite 
in the E. E. T. Society's Publications. 



234 Outlines of the History of the English Language 

18. It was very soon after the Ayenbite of Inwyt was 

Literary written, that, according to John of Trevisa, 

English in the French ceased to be used in England. For 

latter half of . . ,', 

the 14th some three centuries, in one form or another, it 

century. na( j ij ve( j i n the country. It had been the 

language of a conquering race, and the language of the upper 
classes; but, notwithstanding the advantages such positions 
conferred, it had never superseded any of the forms of native 
speech that it found when it first came. All these in varying 
degrees had felt its influence, but all were living with un- 
diminished vitality, when it ceased to be the natural speech of 
any born in England. With its disappearance came a time 
when the competition for literary supremacy was once more 
between native candidates only; and this time it is not in the 
dialect of Wessex, but in the East Midland dialect, that the 
greatest English works are written. What form this language 
had taken in the latter half of the 14th century as a result of 

shaping processes, whose gradual working the 
from e ch^ucer- previous specimens have slightly illustrated, 

may be to some extent shewn by a short con- 
sideration of a few lines of Chaucer : 

Whan that Aprille with his schowres swoote 
The drought of Marche hath perced to the roote, 
And bathed every veyne in swich licour, 
Of which vertne engendred is the flour ; 
Whan Zephirus eek with his swete breethe 
Enspired hath in every holte and heethe 
The tendre croppes, and the yonge sonne 
Hath in the Ram his halfe cours i-ronne, 
And smale fowles maken melodie, 
That slepen al the night with open eye, 
So priketh hem nature in here corages ; — 
Thanne longen folk to gon on pilgrimages, 
And palmers for to seeken straunge strondes, 
To feme halwes, kouthe in sondry londes; 
And specially from every schires ende 
Of Engelond, to Caunterbury they wende, 



Chapter XI 235 

The holy blisful martir for to seeke, 

That hem hath holpen whan that they were seeke. 

Turning first to the vocabulary, we may notice that about 
nine-tenths of the material is genuine Old Eng- |tg vocabular 
lish; that in the remaining one- tenth, one word, —foreign 
Martir, had been used in Old English, another, 
root, is Scandinavian, the others are French : the passage, then, 
is fairly representative of the constituent elements of the lan- 
guage. With regard to the foreign material we may note first, 
that it has proved permanent; no part of it has since been lost 
by the language; and next, that it illustrates the different direc- 
tions in which such material influenced the vocabulary. There 
were Old English equivalents for all but one of the foreign 
words used in the passage; the permanent adoption of the 
latter led either to the rejection, or to the restriction, of the 
former. Rejection may be seen in the following cases: 



French 


O.E. 


pierce 


byrlian x 


vein 


aedre (cf. Ger. ader) 


engender 


a-cennan 2 


inspire 


on-ordian (#r, on-ablawan) 3 


tender 


mearu 4 


melodie 


swinsung 


pilgrimage 


selJ?eodignes 5 


strange 


3el]>eodig 


Scandinavian 


O.E. 


root 


wyrt-truma 6 



1 Chaucer uses this word : That with a spere was thirled his brest boon. 
Knight's Tale, 1852. 

2 ©one cwild de se suderna wind acend : the mortality that the southern 
wind generates. 

3 On-ordian translates inspirare ; but cf. Gen. ii. 7: God on-ableow 
(inspiravif) on his ansine lifes ordunge. Orod = breath. 

4 Cf. Mark xiii. 28: His twig bid mearu (ra?nus tener). 

6 Cf. Ps. cxviii. 54 : On stowe aldeodignysse minre in loco peregrinationis 
meae. ^El)?eodig = of another people, 

6 Cf. the O. E. and Icel. versions of Mt. iii. 10 : Ys seo sex to ]?aera 
treowa wyrtruman asett : Er oxin sett til rotar vidanna. 



236 Outlines of the History of the English Language 
On the other hand, restriction is shewn in the following : 



French 


O.E. 


Mod. E. 


licour 


waeta 


wet 


virtue 


msegen 


main 1 


flower 


blostm 


blossom 


cours 


ryne 


run 


nature 


ge-cynd 


kind 


corage 


heorte 


heart 


special (-ly) 


syndrig(-lice) 


sundry 



A third case is illustrated by palmer, where no English 
word was in use; here a new expression was given to the 
language. 

But it is not only by the presence of foreign material that 
change in the vocabulary is marked; the native 
the oid Eng- material is used otherwise than in the old speech. 
The interrogative forms acquire a force which 
previously belonged only to the demonstratives, and are used 
as relatives; the original neuter, that, becomes indeclinable and 
takes the place of the old indeclinable, A?, which disappears : 
thus the correlative whan that (v. 1 and whan v. $)...thanne 
(v. 12) is used instead of the older ponne {pe)...ponne, and 
a new group of relatives is developed. With now does the 
work of mid (cf. Ger. mit), which is consequently lost; with 
his showres, with his breethe, with open eye, would all have 
taken mid. 2 The verb longen has suffered a change, which 
finds a parallel in the case of like ; formerly it meant to cause 
desire in the person (ace), in the passage it means to have 
desire, and the person is in the nominative; impersonal verbs 
were disappearing. In every a strengthened form of each (sefre 

1 Cf. Him mcegen of eode virtue had gone out of him, Mk. v. 30. 

2 For the substitution of with for mid cf. the old rendering in Exod. 
xxi. 6 : Jnrhan eare midzele, and Chaucer's line quoted above under \>irlian ; 
and for the loss of distinction which is involved note the two words in the 
following: He geseah aenne wer wid fyrde standan ;/zzV/atogenum swurde 
vidit virum stantem contra se, evaginatum tenentem gladium. Jos. v. 13. 



Chapter XI 237 

selc) has been developed; ceghwilc, which had the sense of 
every, has been lost, and each is used differently from the old 
celc. 1 

If now we turn to the grammar we shall find there is little 
to distinguish it from that of modern English. 
Among nouns, one form is established in the fo ^g mmatical 
genitive; for the old fern, scir, gen. sclr-e, now 
has gen. schir-es: it is the same with the plural, where the old 
neuter land, pi. land, now has pi. lond-es, just the same as 
fowl-es (old fugol- as), and the old weak halg-an is now halw-es ; 
foreign words, too, have the same inflection. The adjective, 
when not used with a demonstrative, is uninfected in the singu- 
lar; swich, which, every, al, open have nothing to distinguish 
them as oblique cases; even though used with the, holy and 
blisful are equally undistinguished : and the definite article is 
the throughout. All this points to modern English. There are, 
however, traces of the past; the -es of the genitive and of the 
plural is still a distinct syllable more often than at present; 
though even here it may be noted that corages would still be a 
word of three syllables, and that palmers is already a dissyllable. 
But it is under the form of a final e that the old inflections are 
found chiefly to be linked to the language of Chaucer. How 
many originally different terminations are gathered under this 
one head may be shewn by comparing the forms of the passage 
with old English equivalents : 

Nouns 
O. E. Chaucer 

sunn-e (wk, fern.) sonne 



[rot]-e 
brsed-e 
holt-e 
hsed-e 



root-e 
breeth-e 
holt-e 
heeth-e 
ey-e 
end-e j ende 



daU 



1 Cf. Mt. xii. 25, in several versions : ALlc hus, West-Saxon : ceghwilc 
hus, Rushworth Gloss : every house A.V., all translating omnis domus. 



238 Outlines of the History of the English Language 



Adjectives and Pronouns 





O.E. 






Chaucer 


swot-e * 






swoot-e 


smal-e 


■pi. 






smal-e 
straung-e 


cud-e 








kouth-e 


seoc-e . 








seek-e 


swet-e, sing. 






sweete 


seo geong-e {wk.fem. 


nom 





)?e yong-e 


his healf-an (wk. masc 


. ace 


•) 


his half-e 


hier-a {gen. pi '.) 






her-e 



How near this final e was to being lost is suggested by its 
omission in the weak holy and blisful, and in the plural sondry ; 
and how near Chaucer's forms were to the modern is shewn by 
noting how much depended upon so slender a thread as the 
unaccented final e. 

With regard to the verbal forms it will be noticed that the 
plural ending of the present, -en, is for the most 
part kept; but its uncertain tenure seems sug- 
gested by wend-e ; and the infinitive is in like 
case, for both seek-en and seek-e occur, and that, too, as repre- 
senting the old to secanne. The same uncertainty is seen with 
the strong participles i-ronne ( = ge-runnen) and holpen. 

Lastly, change in the form of the old material may be illus- 
trated by the following comparisons : 



Change in 
the form of 
words. 



Chaucer 


Old English 


Chaucer 


Old English 


schowres 


scuras 


night 


niht 


schires 


scire 


eye 


eage 


drought 


drugoj? 


halwes 


halgan 


swich 


swile 


sondry 


syndrig 


which 


hwile 


-ly {adv. suffix) 


-lice 


i-ronne 


ge-runnen 


holy 


halig 


fowles 


fugolas 







It will be seen, then, even from this brief notice of the 
specimen taken, that cultivated English of the latter half of 
the 14th century presents at least two important contrasts with 



Chapter XI 239 

cultivated English of the first half of the nth. The latter had 
been kept almost free from the intrusion of foreign words, the 
former has them in such considerable numbers as to shew that 
their entrance had become comparatively easy: in the one 
continuous cultivation had preserved grammatical forms, the 
other had reached the dignity of a literary speech after centuries 
of neglect, during which grammatical forms had been lost 
beyond recovery. In the language of Chaucer, then, is fore- 
shadowed the mixed vocabulary and the simple grammar of 
Modern English. 



CHAPTER XII 

Important events in the 15th century: geographical discoveries, the fall of 
Constantinople, the invention of printing — specimens of 15th cen- 
tury English, Occleve's Governail of Princes, Pecock's Repressor, 
Malory's Morte Darthur — effects of printing — classical learning in 
England in the 1 6th century — influence of modern languages on 
English in the 1 6th century — Ascham's criticism of English — Wilson 
on English style — excessive use of foreign words — the locality of the 
best English — description of the Court — satires on the abuses in 
language — masque by Sidney — Shakspere's Lovers Labours Lost — 
Spenser's attempt to revive obsolete words — style in English writers — 
Euphuism — its popularity — extract from Euphues — Drayton on 
Euphuism — good English in the 1 6th century — Lord Berners' trans- 
lation of Froissart's Chronicle — Tyndal's translation of the New 
Testament — Sir T. More's Confutation of Tyndal — North's Plutarch 
— Sidney's Apologie for Poetrie. 

1. In the works of Chaucer the material whose preparation 
we have tried to trace was used by a 'maker/ who was able to 
shew its capabilities; and English in the hands of Chaucer 
proved as well fitted to be the language of literature that should 
rank with the highest, as another vulgar tongue, Italian, had 
done in the hands of Dante. There were to be many years of 
further preparation before the language of England was used 
by writers whose works were to give them a place in English 
literature by the side of Chaucer; of that preparation we may 
now try to get some idea. 

2. The 15 th century by no means carried on the intel- 

lectual activity of the 14th. The wars with 

Important J ^ 

events in the France, and the civil wars which followed them, 
15th century. were nQt f avoura bi e to literary cultivation; reli- 
gious freedom was suppressed; and there were no successors 

240 



Chapter XII 241 

to fill the places of Chaucer and Wiclif. But though during 
a great part of it there might be little at home to further the 
development of the language, there were events occurring out- 
side England that were to have most important consequences 
for English. With the bolder navigation which Qeo 
the use of the compass made possible came, on phicai dis- 
the one side, the discovery of the new route cover y- 
to the East by the Cape of Good Hope, which in the end gave to 
western countries the commercial position once belonging to 
the Italian cities; on the other, the discovery of America. 
Constantinople was taken by the Turks, and its 
fall was followed by the migration westwards of st^no^e 011 " 
Greek scholars, at whose coming the study of 
the Greek classics revived. Printing was invented; and for 
times in which new conceptions of the material 
world were quickening intellectual life, in which of printing? 
the power to express ideas was amplified by the 
opening up of new stores of language, a fit means was provided 
for making the new conditions far-reaching in their effects. 
How soon the old order gave place to new may be felt on 
contrasting writings of the 15 th century with those of the 16th; 
the former are medieval, the latter are modern. To illustrate 
this point so far as it relates to the earlier period, and to gain 
at the same time some idea of the course followed by the 
language before it came under the influences referred to above, 
we may take two specimens from works that belong to the age 
of manuscripts, and a third which may represent the transition 
from that age to the age of printing. 

3. At the end of the last chapter the condition of the 
language in the last years of the 14th century 
was briefly illustrated by means of a few lines i 5 th cenTury ° 
from Chaucer; the verses in which his death is English: 
lamented by one who had known him, and who 
speaks of him as 'my maister dere ' will furnish an example 
of early 15 th century English. From The Governail of Princes 



242 Outlines of the History of the English Language 

by Occleve (c. 1370 — c. 1454) are taken the following lines 
(c. 1420) : 

O maister dere and fader reverent, 

My maister Chaucer, floure of eloquence, 

Mirrour of fructuous entendement, 

O universal fader in science, 

Alias ! that thou thyne excellent prudence 

In thy bedde mortalle myghtest not bequeth[e]. 

What eyled dethe, alias ! why wold he sle the? 



Alias ! my worthy maister honorable, 
This londes verray tresour and richesse, 
Dethe by thy dethe hath harme irreperable 
Unto us done ; hir vengeable duresse 
Dispoiled hath this londe of the swetnesse 
Of Rhetoryke fro us; to Tullius 
Was never man so like amonges us. 

Also who was hyer in philosofye 

To Aristotle in our tunge but thow? 

The steppes of Virgile in poysye 

Thou folwedest eke, men wote wele ynow. 

That combreworld that thee my maister slow 

Wolde I slayne were ! dethe was to hastyfe 

To renne on the and reve the thy lyfe. 

She myght han taryed hir vengeance a while, 

Til that som man hade egalle to the be. 

Nay, lete be that ! she knewe wele that this yle 

May never man forth brynge like to the, 

And hir office nedes do mote she ; 

God bade hir so, I truste as for the beste, 

O maister, maister, god thy soule reste. 

As regards vocabulary the specimen is perhaps too short to 
allow of a general conclusion being drawn; but it may be 
noted that the French element, especially in the first two 
verses, is so considerable as to suggest that any change taking 
place was in the direction of using foreign words more freely. 

As regards the grammatical forms the passage seems to shew 
a further step in the way of simplification. In the extract 



Chapter XII 243 

from Chaucer the final <?'s were found to be notable as pre- 
serving the old grammatical tradition; but here their character 
is changed, and in many instances they do not point back to 
older terminations. Thus dethe is both nominative and dative, 
but Chaucer has it only in the latter case; the adjectives and 
participles like, hastyfe, done, slayne are all properly without 
the final e in Chaucer; and the same may be said of the 
strong past tenses knewe, mote, bade ; the imperative lete be is 
lat be in the earlier writer. The final e occurs, too, without 
the justification of an earlier termination in eke, wele, the eek 
and wel of Chaucer. On the other hand the e is correctly 
written, and pronounced, in soule (ace), wote (pi.), reste (subj. 
pr.), were (subj. p.), renne, reve, brynge (infins.), and in beste 
(dat.). In lunge the e might seem, as in Chaucer, to be the 
remnant of the old -an, but it does not, as in Chaucer, form a 
syllable; in bequeath, where it should appear, and where the rime 
calls for its pronunciation, it is not written; while in hastyfe, 
where it is pronounced, it is grammatically incorrect. These 
instances seem to shew that the significance of the older forms 
was becoming less and less appreciated, and thus the way was 
prepared for their disappearance. The point may further be 
illustrated by comparing men wote with Chaucer's we witen ; 
in the latter the old distinction between the vowels of sing, and 
pi. is preserved, in the former the modern practice is reached, 
which uses the vowel of the singular throughout. 

The date of the next passage is about 1450. It is from 
The Repressor of over mueh blaming of the elergy, 
by Reginald Pecock (c. 1395 — c. 1460) : 

Where is it groundid expresseli in scripture, fat men mowe 
lete schaue her berdis? and how dare fei so lete, sipen it can 
not be founde expresseli in holi scripture pat J?ei ou^ten so 
lete, and namelich sifen it is founde in holi scripture pat men 
leten her berdis growe wipoute schering or schauyng, and also 
sipen it was pe oolde usage \oxu% al ]?e world in cristendom? 
where is it in holi scripture groundid bi wey of comendyng or 



244 Outlines of the History of the English Language 

of allowaunce pat men schulden or mitten lau^we ? For to pe 
contrarie is euydence in holi scripture, Mat. v e . c, where it is 
seid pus: Blessid ben pei pat moornen,for pei schulen be coun- 
fortid ; and also, Gen. xviij e . c. sara pe wijf of Abraham was 
punyschid, for pat sche lauded behinde pe dore of pe tabernacle, 
where is it also groundid in holi scripture pat men my*ten 
alloweabli or schulden pleie in word bi bourding, or in deede 
by rennyng or leping or schuting, or bi sitting at pe merels, or 
bi casting of coitis? and ^it ech of pese deedis mowe be doon 
& ben doon ful vertuoseli & merytorili. 

In the case of the noun and the adjective there is not 
much that needs to be referred to the old grammar for its 
explanation ; the older usage, however, is found in the plurals 
of nouns, where the suffix is still a syllable, berd-is, deed-is ; 
dore, as in Chaucer, still shews a trace of the old dative (dur-a), 
deede keeps the old e of the oblique cases, which made its way 
later into the nominative; and the weak declension of the 
adjective seems to be preserved in A? oold-e usage. Otherwise 
there is nothing that would appear strange to a modern reader. 
In the pronouns, her (the old hiera) is still used for the gen. pi. 
to the nominative pei; but the modern pes-e is substituted for 
old pas. It is in the verbs only that the grammar is con- 
servative. Thus the infinitive retains its termination in the 
modified form -e, lete, growe, lau^we, pleie \ the pres. indie, pi. 
has the old E. Midland -en, moom-en, be-n; the past pi. also 
keeps its termination in let-en, ougt-en, mi^t-en, schuld-en, and 
in the pret. pres. sehul-en, mow-en. Moreover the distinction 
of vowel between sing, and pi. is maintained in sehul-en (sehal, 
sing. ) and mowe {mai, sing.). But even in the verb the modern 
forms are coming into use; the sing., dare, has displaced the 
old pi. durron, the strong lowgh of Chaucer gives way to the 
weak lau^-ed, and the double form of the p. part, of strong 
verbs is very nearly reached in found-e alongside doon. In 
Pecock we are still, however, nearer to Chaucer than to 
Shakspere. 



Chapter XII 245 

The third specimen brings us to the age of printing. It is 
from Le Morte Darthur, which was completed 
by its author, Sir Thomas Malory, in 1469, and M fi Q Jy° mas 
was printed by Caxton in 1485 : 

And whan kynge Arthur sawe hym, thenne he said, l wel- 
come, my systers sone; I wende thou haddest ben dede, and 
now I see the on lyue, moche am I beholdynge unto almyghty 
Jhesu. O fayre neuewe, what ben these ladyes that hydder 
be come with you.' 'Sir/ said Sir Gawayne, 'alle these ben 
ladyes for whome I haue foughten whenne I was man lyuynge, 
and alle these are tho, that I did batail for in ryghteous quarel, 
and god hath gyuen hem that grace at their grete prayer, by 
cause I dyd bataille for hem, that they shold brynge me hydder 
unto yow; thus moche hath god gyuen me leue for to warne 
yow of youre dethe, for and ye fyghte as to morne with syre 
Mordred, as ye bothe haue assygned, doubte ye not, ye must 
be slayne; and for the grete grace and goodenes that almyghty 
Jhesu hath unto yow, and for pyte of yow and many more other 
good men there shalle be slayne, God hath sente me to yow of 
his specyal grace to gyue yow warnynge, that in no wyse ye do 
bataille as to morne, but that ye take a treatyce for a moneth 
day and profer yow, so as to morne to be putte in a delayed ... 
Thenne syr Gawayne and al the laydyes vaynnysshed....Than 
the kyng comaunded syr Lucan de butlere and his broder syr 
Bedwere with two bysshoppes with hem, and charged theym, 
in ony wyse and they myght, take a traytyse for a monthe day 
wyth Syr mordred. 

It would seem from this passage that at the beginning of 
the age of printing the modern form of grammar is practically 
reached. In the case of many inflections the consciousness of 
their grammatical value, which was felt in Chaucer's time, was 
no longer present, and the old system, as far as they were 
concerned, was dead; in the case of others they are reduced 
almost, if not quite, to their modern forms. How little impor- 
tance attaches to distinctions which once were significant may 



246 Outlines of the History of the English Language 

be seen from the following examples : kynge and kyng for the 
nominative, batail and bataille for the accusative, dede the nomi- 
native of the strong adjective, whotne where even the oldest 
English is hwam, sawe the p. indie, sing, of a strong verb, 
slayne, sente p. parts, in the singular; and alongside the old 
form alle (pi.) occurs al the lay dyes. Again, though wende 
seems to keep the full suffix -de of the weak verbs, it appears as 
an exception; sayd, dyd, shold (pi.), must (pi.), charged, &c. 
shew the modern contraction. Other instances that shew the 
modern forms prevailing are the plural verbs be, haue, do, take, 
profer, fyghte as against the single plural in n, ben. Further 
shalle as a plural marks the rejection of the old shul-en (O. E. 
sculori). In the pronouns, too, while tho (O. E. fid), the true 
plural of that, and hem (dat. pi. of he) point to the past, yet 
the modern use is found in these, they, their and them. These 
details will be sufficient to suggest the character of the grammar 
in the latter part of the 15 th century, and to shew that in the 
earliest printed books there is not a much fuller system of 
inflections than in the latest. 

4. With the establishment of the printing-press in England 

came a new era for the language. On the one 

Effects of hand limitations were removed, which had neces- 

pnnting. . 7 

sarily existed when the reproduction of any work 
depended upon the slow labours of the scribe. Printing made 
it easy to give to the whole country the works of the great 
writers, and this made it possible for all parts of England to 
become familiar with their language. It consequently tended 
to subordinate all local forms of speech to the one form that 
was used in the literature; and so, for our purpose, it is no 
longer necessary, as was the case for the times before Chaucer, 
to consider the different forms of English to be found in 
different localities; the language of literature becomes the 
representative English language. On the other hand, it intro- 
duced fixity where before change had had free play. While in 
the time of MSS. writing was to a great extent phonetic, with 



Chapter XII 247 

printing came the stereotyping of forms; the form of the printed 
word no longer varied, as that of the written one had done, to 
suit the variation of pronunciation which was due to difference 
either of place or time. So printed works do not call for notice, 
as do the MSS., as shewing the phonetic condition of the lan- 
guage. But while change in respect both to the grammatical 
system and to the written forms of words was drawing near to 
its end, the change which affected the vocabulary was becom- 
ing more and more marked. As well from intercourse with 
books, both in ancient and in modern tongues, as from inter- 
course with men of other nations, Englishmen became ac- 
quainted with fresh stores of language material, and from them 
drew largely. On these fresh acquisitions and the use made 
of them, not always wisely, a few words may now be said. 

5. Early in the 16th century interest in classical learning, 
which had been awakened and maintained in 
Italy by the Greek scholars who journeyed west- learning in 
wards in the troublous times which preceded and En e lan d in the 

16th century. 

followed the fall of Constantinople, was shewing 
evidence of its presence in England. Wolsey, of whom Erasmus, 
himself for a time Professor of Greek at Cambridge, said that 
'he recalled to his country the three learned languages, without 
which all learning is lame, ' in the college which he founded 
at Oxford made special provision for the teaching of the two 
classic tongues and established in the University a professorship 
of Greek. But the intimate connection of the new learning 
with the great religious struggle of Henry VIII's reign, though 
giving a special interest to the history of that learning, was not 
favourable to its general advancement; and when the Reformers, 
setting up the Scriptures as the one authority for the decision 
of religious questions, felt the importance of studying the New 
Testament in Greek, many of the followers of the old faith 
set their faces as well against the new opinions, as against 
the new learning from which those opinions gained support. 
The University in which Erasmus had taught went so far as 



248 Outlines of the History of the English Language 

to proscribe his Greek Testament, and threatened with severe 
fine any of its members found with that book in their possession. 
When the country had moved somewhat further from Rome, 
matters, indeed, mended; and in the same University Greek 
was taught by scholars of some eminence, Smith and Cheke, 
the latter the first Regius Professor (1540). But though the 
king might be inclined to favour learning, his reign had been 
too disturbed to permit it to flourish; and it is not surprising 
to find that when more settled times were reached under his 
successor, a review of the conditions prevailing should give 
little satisfaction to scholars. Ascham, in a letter dated 
1550, laments the ruin of grammar schools; and in a sermon 
preached the same year at Cambridge the condition of the 
University is thus described: ' Formerly there were in houses 
belonging to the University of Cambridge, 200 students of 
divinity, many very well learned, which be now all clean 
gone home, and many young toward scholars and old fatherly 
doctors not one of them left. 100 also of another sort, that, 
having rich friends, and being beneficed men, did live of 
themselves in hostels and inns, be gone away or else fain to 
creep into colleges and put poor men from bare livings. These 
both be all gone, and a small number of poor, godly, diligent 
students, now remaining only in colleges, be not able to tarry 
and continue their studies for lack of exhibition and help.* 
It was not till late in Elizabeth's reign that the Universities 
recovered, but still the 16th century throughout offers individual 
instances of learned men. To names already mentioned may 
be added those of Cranmer, Ridley, Pole, Colet, the founder of 
St Paul's School, Lilly, its first master, Sir Thomas More, Roger 
Ascham; and Henry and his children were all learned. It was 
the age, too, of learned ladies; Lady Jane Grey read Plato in 
the original ; and of Queen Elizabeth Ascham says, 'She readeth 
here now at Windsore more Greeke every day, than some Pre- 
bendaries of this Church doth read Latin in a whole weeke.' * 

1 In Prof. Raleigh's Introduction to The Book of the Courtier (in the 



Chapter XII 249 

6. It was not only the classical languages that were in- 
fluencing English. Intercourse with foreign influence of 
countries gave occasion to the introduction of modern lan- 
foreign words and idioms, and English writers, EngHsn°in the 
who now for the first time were observing their l6th centUf y- 
own language critically, can tell of the results. The following 
passage from the preface to Ascham's Toxophilus (1545) is of 
interest, not only as having a bearing upon the point under 
consideration, but as giving at the same time both an appreci- 
ation 1 of English in the middle of the 16th century by a 
contemporary, and a specimen of its use by a scholar whose 
work was intended to be a model of style : 

'If any man woulde blame me, eyther for takynge such a 
matter in hande, or els for writing it in the A . 

7 ° Ascham's 

Englyshe tongue, this answere I may make hym, criticism of 
that whan the beste of the realme thinke it ngls ' 
honest for them to use, I one of the meanest sorte, ought not 
to suppose it vile for me to write : And though to haue 
written it in an other tonge, had bene bothe more profitable for 
my study, and also more honest for my name, yet I can thinke 
my labour wel bestowed, yf with a little hyndraunce of my 
profyt and name, maye come any f ourtheraunce, to the pleasure 
or commoditie, of the gentlemen and yeomen of Englande, for 
whose sake I tooke this matter in hande. And as for y e Latin 
or greke tonge, euery thing is so excellently done in them, that 
none can do better: In the Englysh tonge contrary, euery 
thinge in a maner so meanly, bothe for the matter and 
handelynge, that no man can do worse. For therein the 

series of Tudor Translations) the student will find the neo-classic influence 
on language treated in a very interesting manner. 

1 Not the least notable point in this passage is the apology for the use 
of English, which is made by a writer, who was not dead when Shakspere 
was born. As a somewhat parallel case might be quoted the apology by 
Dante for using Italian in his Convito, when the capabilities of the language 
were so soon to be shewn in the Divine Comedy. 



250 Outlines of the History of the English Language 

least learned for the moste parte, haue ben alwayes most redye 
to wryte. And they whiche had leaste hope in latin, haue 
bene most boulde in englyshe : when surelye every man that is 
moste ready to taulke, is not moost able to wryte. He that 
wyll wryte well in any tongue, must folowe thys council of 
Aristotle, to speake as the comon people do, to thinke as wise 
men do. Many English writers haue not done so, but usinge 
straunge wordes as latin, french and Italian, do make all 
thinges darke and harde. Ones I communed with a man 
whiche reasoned the englyshe tongue to be enryched and 
encreased therby, sayinge : Who wyll not prayse that feaste, 
where a man shall drinke at a diner, bothe wyne, ale and 
beere? Truely quod I, they be all good, euery one taken by 
hym selfe alone, but if you putte Malmesye and sacke, read 
wyne and white, ale and beere, and al in one pot, you shall 
make a drynke, neyther easie to be knowen, nor yet holsom 
for the body. Cicero in following Isocrates, Plato and 
Demosthenes, increased the latine tongue after an other 
sorte. 7 

7. Not long after this was written appeared Wilson's 

Arte of Rhetorike (1553). From it we may see 
English* sty?e. tnat tne requisites for a good style were already 

recognised, and by some writers, in the judge- 
ment of its author, were already acquired: 'When we have 
learned usuall and accustomable words to set forth our mean- 
ynge, we ought to join them together in apte order, that the 
eare maie delite in hearynge the harmonie. 1 I know some 
Englishemen, that in this poinct have such a gifte in the 
Englishe as fewe in Latine have the like; and therefore delite 
the wise and Learned so muche with their pleasant composi- 
tion, that many rejoice when they maie heare such and thinke 



1 The definition of style implied in these words is practically the same 
as that given by Swift, * proper words, in proper places, make the true 
definition of a style.' 



Chapter XII 251 

much learnyng is got when thei maie talke with them.' But 
though Wilson can speak more favourably of _ 

& r J Excessive 

English composition than Ascham had done, use of foreign 
yet both equally condemn the excessive use of 
foreign words by injudicious writers. So Wilson tells us that, 
'Some seke so far for outlandishe English, that they forget 
altogether their mother's language — and yet these fine English 
clerks will saie they speke in their mother tongue, if a man 
should charge them for counterfeyting the king's English. He 
that cometh lately out of France, will talke Frenche Englishe 
and never blush at the matter. Another choppes in with 
English Italianated, and applieth the Italian phrase to our 
English speaking... I know them that thinke Rhetorike to 
stand wholie upon darke wordes; and he that can catche an 
ynkehorne term by the tail, hym they compt to be a fine 
Englishman, and good rhetorician.' That the number of those 
who could 'chop in with English Italianated' was likely to 
increase, may be inferred from a comment made later 1 by 
Ascham upon books 'of late translated out of Italian into 
English and sold in every shop in London ' : 'There be moe 
of those ungratious books set out in printe within these fewe 
monethes, than have been seene in England many score yeares 
before. ' And that the abuses, against which both Ascham and 
Wilson had protested, continued, may be seen from the occur- 
rence of a like protest in Puttenham's ArtofPoesie, published 
in 1589, 'We finde in our English writers many wordes and 
speaches amendable; and ye shall see in some many inkhorne 
termes so ill affected, brought in by men of learnyng, as 
preachers and schoolemasters : and many straunge termes of 
other languages, by secretaries and marchaunts and travailours, 
and many darke wordes, and not usual nor well-sounding, 
though they be daily spoken in court.' 

8. It is, perhaps, the last words of the passage that 

1 In the Scholemaster ', published 1570. 



252 Outlines of the History of the English I^anguage 

suggest the most serious danger to the language; for, as may be 
_. , ,. seen by another quotation from the same writer, 

The locality j ~l 7 

of the best it was particularly in the Court that the best 

English. English was to be sought : 'This part (language) 

in our maker or Poet must be heedyly looked unto, that it be 
naturall, pure, and the most usuall of all his countrey : and for 
the same purpose rather that which is spoken in the kings 
Court, or in the good townes and cities within the land, 
then in the marches and frontiers, or in port townes, where 
straungers haunt for traffike sake, or yet in Universities where 
schollers use much peevish affectation of words out of the 
primative languages, or finally, in any uplandish village or 
corner of a Realme, where is no resort but of poore rusticall or 
uncivill people. . . neither shall he take the termes of Northern- 
men, such as they use in dayly talke, whether they be noblemen 
or gentlemen, or of their best clarkes all is a matter : nor in 
effect any speach used beyond the river of Trent, though no 
man can deny but that theirs is the purer English Saxon at this 
day, yet it is not so Courtly nor so currant as our Southerne 
English is, no more is the far Westerne man's speach : ye shall 
therefore take the usuall speach of the Court, and that of 
London and the shires lying about London within lx. myles, 
and not much above. I say not this but that in every shyre 
of England there be gentlemen and others that speake but 
specialy write as good southerne as we of Middlesex or Surrey 
do, but not the common people of euery shire. ' But that some 
even of the language spoken in Court should incur the critic's 
censure is not remarkable, if the foreign influences, that in 
Elizabeth's time were brought to bear upon it, be remembered. 
Which they were likely to be may be learned from Ascham, 
who tells not only of the queen's classical attainments, 
but also of 'her perfect readines in Italian, French, and 
Spanish ' ; and that such an example produced the effect that 
might be expected, appears from the description given of the 
court by Harrison, who wrote a few years before the publication 



Chapter XII 253 

of Puttenham's work: 'This further is not to be omitted, to the 
singular commendation of both sorts and sexes 
of our courtiers here in England, that there are of D t h S e cr c PtI0 t n 
very few of them which have not the use and 
skill of sundry speeches, besides an excellent veine of writing 
beforetime not regarded. Truly it is a rare thing with us now 
to heare of a courtier which hath but his own language. And 
to say how many gentlewomen and ladies there are that beside 
sound knowledge of the Greek and Latin tongues, are thereto 
no less skilful in Spanish, Italian, and French, or in some one 
of them, it resteth not in me; sith I am persuaded that, as the 
noblemen and gentlemen do surmount in this behalf, so these 
come very little or nothing at all behind them for their parts.' 
And a little further on, speaking of the ancient ladies of the 
Court, he says, 'Some spend their time in continual reading 
either of the Holy Scriptures, or histories of our own or foreign 
nations about us, and divers in writing volumes of their own, 
or translating of other men's into our English and Latin 
tongues. Finally to avoid idleness such order is taken that 
every office hath either a Bible, or the book of the Acts and 
Monuments of the Church of England, or both, besides some 
histories or chronicles, lying therein, for the exercise of such as 
come unto the same; whereby the stranger that entereth into 
the court of England upon the sudden shall rather imagine 
himself to come into some public school of the universities, 
than into a prince's palace, if you confer the same with those 
of other nations. ' If this be a fair description of the Court, it 
is small wonder if there, as in other less favoured places, words 
were 'dayly spoken,' to which a critic like Puttenham might 
object. 

9. That alongside a judicious freedom in the adoption of 
foreign words, which should enrich the language, o . 

& ' 00? Satires on 

was to be found a license that threatened it with the abuses in 
corruption, may be better realized perhaps by lan s ua s e - 
turning to the pictures, or rather caricatures, drawn by great 



254 Outlines of the History of the English Language 

artists in language, than by reading the censures of critics. 
Sidney and Shakspere both directed their satire against the 
affectations of the time. The critic had complained of the 
'inkhorne termes ' of the schoolmasters, and the satirists bring 

the offenders on the stage. In a masque by 
Masque by Sidney, presented before the queen, Rombus, 

a village schoolmaster, is introduced speaking 
thus, after the queen is supposed to have parted by her 
presence a contest between two shepherds for the affections 
of the Lady of the May: 'Now the thunder- thumping love 
transfused his dotes into your excellent formositie, which have 
with your resplendent beames thus segregated the enmity of 
these rurall animals : I am, Potentissima Diva, a schoolmaster, 
that is to say a Pedagogue, one not a little versed in dis- 
ciplinating of the juvenall frie, wherein (to my laud I speak it) 
I use such geometrical proportions as neither wanted man- 
suetude nor correction. . . The puritie of the veritie is that a 
certaine Pulchra puella, elected and constituted by the inte- 
grated determination of all this topographicall region as the 
soverayne Ladie of this Dame Maies month, hath been quod- 
admodo hunted, as you would say, pursued by two, a brace, a 
couple, a cast of young men, to whom the crafty coward Cupid 
had, inquam, delivered his dire-dolorous dart.' In his com- 
plaint Puttenham joins preachers and schoolmasters, and 
inveighs also against travellers for their use of strange words. 

In Love's Labour's Lost Shakspere presents to us 

Shakspere's L L 

Love's Labour's all three classes, and an extract from a scene in 
Lost which appear Holofernes, the schoolmaster, Sir 

Nathaniel, the curate, and Don Armado, 1 the Spanish knight, 
will illustrate the comment of the critic : 

1 Don Armado is thus spoken of by the king : 

Our court you know is haunted 
With a refined traveller of Spain, 
A man in all the world's new fashions planted, 
That hath a mint of phrases in his brain. 



Chapter XII 255 

Hoi. Satis quod sufficit. 

Nath. I praise God for you, sir: your reasons at dinner have been 
sharp and sententious; pleasant without scurrility, witty without affection, 
audacious without impudency, learned without opinion, and strange without 
heresy. I did converse this quondam day with a companion of the king's, 
who is intituled, nominated, or called, Don Adriano de Armado. 

HoL Novi hominem tanquam te : his humour is lofty, his discourse 
peremptory, his tongue filed, his eye ambitious, his gait majestical, and his 
general behaviour vain, ridiculous, and thrasonical. He is too picked, too 
spruce, too affected, too odd, as it were, too peregrinate as I may call it. 

Nath. A most singular and choice epithet. 

( Takes out his table-book?) 

Hoi. He draweth out the thread of his verbosity finer than the staple 
of his argument. I abhor such fanatical phantasms, such insociable and 
point-devise companions; such rackers of orthography, as to speak dout, 
fine, when he should say, doubt; ...neighbour vocatur nebour; neigh 
abbreviated ne. This is abhominable (which he would call abominable) : 
it insinuateth me of insanie : ne intelligis, domine? to make frantic, lunatic. 

Nath. Laus Deo, bone intelligo. 

Hoi. Bone? — bone, for bene : Priscian a little scratched; 'twill serve. 

Enter Armado. 

Arm. {to Hoi.) Monsieur, are you not lettered? . . . Do you not educate 
youth at the charge-house on the top of the mountain? 

Hoi. Or mons f the hill... I do, sans question. 

Arm. Sir, it is the king's most sweet pleasure and affection, to con- 
gratulate the princess at her pavilion in the posteriors of this day; which 
the rude multitude call the afternoon. 

Hoi. The posterior of the day, most generous sir, is liable, congruent, 
and measurable for the afternoon : the word is well culled, chose : sweet, 
and apt, I do assure you, sir, I do assure. 

Arm. Sir, the king is a noble gentleman; and my familiar, I do 
assure you, very good friend : — for what is inward between us, let it pass : 
— I do beseech thee, remember thy courtesy; I beseech thee, apparel thy 
head : — and among other importunate and most serious designs, — and of 
great import indeed, too, — but let that pass : — for I must tell thee, it will 
please his grace sometime to lean upon my poor shoulder, and with his 
royal finger thus dally with my excrement, with my mustachio; but sweet 

And Biron says of him : 

Armado is a most illustrious wight, 

A man of fire-new words, fashion's own knight. 



2 $6 Outlines of the History of the English Language 

heart, let that pass. By the world, I recount no fable : some certain special 
honour it pleaseth his greatness to impart to Armado, a soldier, a man of 
travel, that hath seen the world; but let that pass. — The very all of all is, 
— but, sweet heart, I do implore secrecy, — that the king would have me 
present the princess with some delightful ostentation, or show, or pageant, 
or article, or fire-work. Now, understanding that the curate and your 
sweet self are good at such eruptions, and sudden breaking out of mirth, as 
it were, I have acquainted you withal, to the end to crave your assistance. 1 

Fortunately, as the names of the two writers just quoted 
may remind us, there were opponents of license strong enough 
to prevent the disastrous results, which, if unchecked, it would 
have caused, and the language was not left at the mercy of 
those, who, according to Moth's description, 'had been at a 
great feast of languages, and stolen the scraps,' or who, as 
Costard expressed it, 'had lived long on the alms-basket of 
words. ' 

10. But it was not only against new and foreign words, 

rashly introduced by the injudicious, that the 
attempt^ 8 verdict was given by 'use and custome, ' those 

revive obsolete 'onely umpiers of speach ' as Puttenham calls 

them. The influence of so great a writer as 
Spenser was unable either to obtain a more favourable judge- 
ment for the old and native words, which he attempted to 
recover from the neglect into which they had been allowed to 
fall, or to secure general acceptance for words which had only 
a local currency. In the letter to Gabriel Harvey, prefixed to 
The Shepheard's Calendar and dated 1579, Spenser's friend, 
Edward Kirke, speaks of English very much as Ascham had 
done before; those who had found it defective, he says, 'patched 

1 Love's Labour's Lost, Act v. sc. i. The whole play may serve to 
illustrate the difference between the use and the abuse of their opportuni- 
ties by those who, to use Moth's words in the same scene, * had been at a 
great feast of languages.' As a testimony to the justness of the ridicule 
aimed in the passage at the practice of introducing Latin, may be quoted 
the remark put into the mouth of a character in Chapman's An hunter ous 
dayes mirth (published 1599) : ' Now must I say, Lupus est in fabula> for 
these latine ends are part of a gentleman and a good scholler.' 



Chapter XII - 2tf 

up the holes with peces and rags of other languages, borrowing 
here of the French, there of the Italian, every where of the 
Latine; not weighing how il those tongues accorde with them- 
selves, but much worse with ours : so now they have made our 
English tongue a gallimaufray, or hodgepodge of al other 
speches. ' Holding such a view he naturally was of opinion 
that 'it is one special prayse of many, which are dew to this 
Poete, that he hath laboured to restore, as to theyr rightfull 
heritage, such good and naturall English words, as have ben 
long time out of use, and almost cleane disherited.' But 
Puttenham, when he laid down the rules: 'Our maker at these 
dayes shall not follow Piers plowman nor Gower nor Lydgate 
nor yet Chaucer, for their language is now out of use with 
us; neither shall he take the termes of Northern-men,' shewed 
as sound a judgement in matters of language as he did when 
he censured the inkhorn terms and other foreign eccentricities 
of those who threatened to make of English the 'gallimaufray ' 
which Kirke had called it. That in each case the justice of the 
judgement received practical recognition from the writers who 
really represented the language of literature is seen, in the one 
by the ridicule poured on pedantry by Sidney and Shakspere, 
in the other by such a criticism of Spenser's style as is implied 
in Daniel's lines, 

Let others sing of knights and Palladines 
In aged accents, and untimely words; 

or by that directly expressed in Ben Jonson's dictum, 'Spenser 
in affecting the ancients writ no language. ' As a result, then, 
the language neither restored the words that it had already 
rejected, nor without discrimination admitted the new words, 
that many were ready to thrust upon it. 

11. The writers who have so far been referred to as throw- 
ing light upon the condition of the vocabulary 
may remind us, that a point, which between English 
the time of the Norman Conquest and that of 
Chaucer is not very prominent, becomes in the 1 6th century 
s 



258 Outlines of the History of the Efiglish Language 

of much more importance. As regarded its grammatical forms 
and the methods by which its vocabulary should be enlarged 
the character of the language was settled, and competition 
between different dialects was at an end, so that the general 
conditions under which all writers worked were the same, and 
the time had come, when the advance of the language was to 
be marked by the increasing skill with which it was used by 
the most competent. And from this point of view the language 
for the first time becomes an object of consideration by con- 
temporaries. As we have seen, in the judgement of Ascham, 1 
who still had something of the scholar's contempt for a vulgar 
tongue as a medium of literature, English style was of the 
worst. But very soon after this opinion was published, as ap- 
pears from a passage already quoted, 2 a more favourable and 
juster estimate was formed by one who certainly understood 
the true principles on which style must rest. And the pro- 
gress made by English in the estimation of great Englishmen 
may be shewn by contrasting with Ascham' s verdict that of 
Sir Philip Sidney, 'For the uttering sweetly and properly 
the conceit of the mind, which is the ende of speeche, 
that English hath equally with any other tongue in the 
world.' 3 

12. It was with style as with the vocabulary; in a time of 
superabundant vitality there were many devia- 
tions from the line which a perfect taste would 
have directed the users of the language to follow, and in some 
cases it was long before they were abandoned for the better 
path. The most notable instance was Euphuism. In 1581 
Lyly published a romance in two parts, the first called Euphues, 
The Anatomy of Wit, the second, Euphnes and his England. 
From the description which at the outset the author gives of 
a hero, who was to become the master of many scholars, some 
idea may be gained of the teaching of the new school: 'This 

1 § 6. 2 § 7. 8 An Apologiefor Poetrie. 



Chapter XII 259 

young gallaunt of more witte then wealth, and yet of more 
wealth then wisdome, seeing himselfe inferiour to none in 
pleasant conceits, though himselfe superiour to all his in 
honest conditions, insomuch that he thought himselfe so apt 
to all thinges that he gave himselfe almost to nothing but 
practising of those thinges commonly which are incident to 
these sharpe wittes, fine phrases, smooth quippes, merry tauntes, 
using jestinge without meane, and abusing mirth without 
measure.' The alliterative jingle and the antithetical see-saw, 
which are characteristic of the style, repel the modern reader, 
but earlier were accounted beauties, and Lyly's work became 
very popular. Webbe, in his Discourse of English 
Poetrie (1586), speaks of Lyly as one 'who hath ' spopu an y * 
deserved most high commendations, as he who hath stepped 
one step farther in eloquence, than any since he first began the 
witty discourse of his Euphues; ... in my judgement I think 
the learned will yield him that verdict which Quintilian giveth 
of both the best orators, Demosthenes and Tully, that from 
the one nothing may be taken away, and to the other nothing 
may be added.' But it was at Court, amongst fashionable 
people that Euphuism met with the warmest reception. In 
the republication of six of Lyly's plays in 1632 it is said in the 
address 'To the Reader,' that 'Our nation are in his debt for 
a new English which hee taught them. Euphues and his 
England began first that language. All our ladies were then 
his schollers, and that beautie in court who could not parley 
Euphuisme, was as little regarded as shee which now there 
speaks not French.' The influence exerted by the book is so 
remarkable that an extract for the further illustration of its style 
may be given : 

Friend and fellow, as I am not ignorant of thy present 
weakenes, so I am not privie of the cause : and 
although I suspect many things, yet can I assure El f ^es* fr ° m 
myself of no one thing. Therefore my good 
Euphues, for these doubts and dumpes of mine, either remove 



260 Outlines of the History of the English Language 

the cause, or reveale it. Thou hast hetherto founde me a 
cheerefull companion in thy myrth, and nowe shalt thou finde 
me as carefull with thee in thy moane. If altogether thou 
maist not be cured, yet maist thou bee comforted. If 
ther be any thing that either by my friends may be procured, 
or by my life atteined, that may either heale thee in part, or 
helpe thee in all, I protest to thee by the name of a friend, 
that it shall rather be gotten with the losse of my body, then 
lost by getting a kingdome. Thou hast tried me, therefore 
trust me : thou hast trusted me in many things, therfore try 
me in this one thing. I never yet failed, and now I will not 
fainte. Be bolde to speake and blush not : thy sore is not so 
angry but I can salve it, the wound not so deepe but I can 
search it, thy grief not so great but I can ease it. If it be 
ripe it shalbe launced, if it be broken it shalbe tainted, be 
it never so desperat it shalbe cured. Rise therefore Euphues, 
and take heart at grasse, younger thou shalt never be : plucke 
up thy stomacke, if love it selfe have stoung thee, it shal not 
stifle thee. Though thou be enamoured of some Lady, thou 
shalt not be enchanted. They that begin to pine of a con- 
sumcion, without delay preserve themselves with cullisses, he 
that feeleth his stomack enflamed with heat, cooleth it eft- 
soones with conserves, delayes breede daungers, nothing so 
perilous as procrastination. 

13. Fortunately it came to be recognised that there were 

better guides than Lyly. In the year in which 
beu7r V t a Iste e ° f Webbe ' s eulogy was published died Sir Philip 

Sidney, who according to Drayton 'did first 
reduce Our tongue from Lillies writing then in use.' And 
though even in 1632 some, like Edward Blount, the book- 
seller, might still think the nation in Lyly's debt for a new 
English, a better judge in matters of language than such had 
already emphatically repudiated the obligation. Drayton 
(1627), in the lines on Sidney, continues, after those just 
quoted, with this description of 'Lillie's writing ' : 



Chapter XII 261 

" Talking of Stones, Stars, Plants, of Fishes, Flyes, 
Playing with words, and idle similies, 
As th' English, Apes and very Zanies be 
Of every thing, that they doe heare and see, 
So imitating his ridiculous tricks, 
They spake and writ, all like meere lunatiques.' , 

And the existence of a taste which appreciated what was 
truly excellent is shewn at a rather earlier time in Peacham's 
Compleat Gentle?nan (1622). In the chapter, 'Of style, in 
speaking and writing,' the author says, 'Let your stile bee 
furnished with solid matter, and compact of the best, choice, 
and most familiar words; taking heed of speaking or writing 
such words as men shall rather admire than understand . . . 
To helpe yourself herein make choice of those authors in 
prose who speake the best and purest English I would 
commend unto you the Life of Richard IIL, written by 
Sir T. Moor; the Arcadia of Sir P. Sidney; Sidney, whom 
Du Bartas makes one of the four columnes of our language; 
the essays and other pieces of the excellent master of elo- 
quence, my Lord of St Albanes, who possesseth not only 
eloquence, but all good learning, as hereditary both by father 
and mother. You have then M. Hooker, his Ecclesiastical 
Policy; Henry IV. and Edward IV., well written by Sir J. 
Hayward; that first part of our kings by M. Samuel Daniel, 
and Sir Robert Cotton's short view of the long life of 
Henry IIL' 

14. So far it has been rather to such points as by their 
undue prominence most easily attract notice 
that attention has been directed. They bear bad English 
witness to the influences that were at work in the l6th 
upon the language, but shew them working 
without due control, and often with unhappy results. We 
may now turn to some more favourable specimens of English, 
in which, though the same influences may be traced, their 
operation was kept within due bounds. 



262 Outlines of the History of the English Language 

15. To the first quarter of the 16th century belongs Lord 
Berners' translation of Froissart's Chronicle 
Boners' ( I 5 2 3)> °^ which Marsh says, 'This translation 

translation of is doubtless the best English prose style which 
Chr^nSe. 8 na ^ Y et appeared, and, as a specimen of 

picturesque narrative, it is excelled by no pro- 
duction of later periods. It is executed with great skill, for 
while it is faithful to the text, it adheres so closely to the 
English idiom, that it has altogether the air of an original 
work/ The following specimen, if compared with the last 
passage that was used to illustrate the prose of the 15 th cen- 
tury, will be felt to mark a very distinct advance. It gives an 
account of a very well-known scene at the battle of Crecy. 

" The valyant kyng of Behaygne, called Charles of Luzen- 
bourge, sonne to the noble emperour Henry of Luzenbourge, 
for all that he was nyghe blynde, whan he understode the order 
of the batayle, he sayde to them about hym, i where is the 
lorde Charles my son? ' his men sayde, 'sir, we can nat tell, 
we thynke he be fightynge; ' than he sayde, 'sirs, ye are my 
men, my companyons and friends in this journey. I requyre 
you bring me so farre forwarde, that I may stryke one stroke 
with my swerde; ' they sayde they wolde do his commaunde- 
ment, and to the intent that they shulde nat lese hym in the 
prease, they tyed all their raynes of their bridelles eche to other 
and sette the kynge before, to accomplysshe his desyre, and so 
thei went on their ennemyes; the lorde Charles of Behaygne 
his sonne, who wrote hymselfe kynge of Behaygne and bare the 
armes, He came in good order to the batayle; but whanne he 
sawe that the matter went awrie on their partie, he departed, 
I can nat tell you whiche waye ; the kynge his father was so 
farre forwarde, that he strake a stroke with his swerde, ye, and 
mo than foure, and fought valyantly. And so dyde his com- 
pany, and they adventured themselfe so forwarde, that they 
were there all slayne, and the next day they were founde in the 
place about the kyng, and all their horses tyed eche to other." 



Chapter XII 263 

The first impression that this passage will produce on 
one who reads it after looking at the extract from the Morte 
Darthur is, that the modern period of the language has begun. 
There are but three native words which need reference to an 
earlier time for their explanation: mo (O. E. ma), lese (O. E. 
leosan) instead of lose, strake (O. E. strac, p. tense of strieaii) 
instead of struck ; bare instead of bore is too familiar to call for 
remark; the three French words journey, partie, adventure are 
not used quite as they are now; in the pronouns them (to them 
about hym) still has the demonstrative force which is now 
transferred to those, ye and you still have their proper force as 
nominative and oblique cases, each, other still preserve the true 
construction, but with all these uses we are familiar from the 
Authorised Version; the uncertainty of the subjunctive (we 
thynke he be fightynge) has not been quite lost yet; and per- 
haps the only phrase that seems strange is, 'thei went on 
their ennemyes.' And not only is the material of the passage 
that of modern times, but the proportion of native to foreign 
words is such as may be found in the best writers to-day; there 
are about 240 words, and of these (excluding proper names) 
less than 30 are foreign. In the structure and arrangement of 
the clauses, also, it differs little from good modern prose; so 
near is it, that we may well claim for Lord Berners' transla- 
tion that it should not fall under the sweeping condemnation 
passed by Ascham on English writers. 

16. A very important specimen of the language, that be- 
longs to about the same time as the preceding, 

Tyndal's 

is Tyndal's translation of the New* Testament. translation 
Its importance will be seen, when it is noticed ° f the New 

r Testament. 

how closely our Authorised Version, which more 
than any other English book has been familiar to the speakers 
of English, agrees with it. By way of contrast to this agree- 
ment, and as illustrating the change that the language had 
undergone in the interval between 1389 and 1526, the transla- 
tions of Wicklif and Tyndal are placed side by side. 



264 Outlines of the History of the English Language 



Mark 

WlCKLIF 

1. And anon the morwe maad, 
the hi3este prestis, makinge counceil 
with the eldere men, and scribis, 
and al the counceil, byndinge Jhesu, 
ledden, and betooken to Pilat. 
2. And Pilat axide him, Art thou 
kyng of Jewis ? And he answeringe 
seith to him, Thou seyst. 3. And 
the hi3este prestis accusiden him in 
manye thinges. Pilat forsothe eft- 
soone axide him, seyinge, Thou an- 
swerest not ony thing? Seest thou, 
in how manye thinges thei accusen 
thee? 5. Forsothe Jhesus more 
no thing answerede, so that Pilat 
schulde wondre. 6. Forsoth by a 
solemne day he was wont to leeue 
to hem oon bounden, whom euere 
thei axiden. 7. Forsoth there was 
he that was seid Barabas, that was 
bounden with sleeris of men, and 
that hadde don mansla^tre in 
sedicion. 8. And whanne the cum- 
pany hadde sti3e up, he began for 
to preye, as he euermore dide to 
hem. 9. Sothely Pilat answerede 
to hem, and seide, Wolen 3e I leeue 
to 30U the kyng of Jewis? 10. Soth- 
li he wiste, that the hi3este prestis 
hadden taken him by enuye. 1 1. 
Forsothe the bischopis stireden the 
cumpenye of peple, that more he 

schulde leeue to hem Barabas 

15. Sothli Pilate willinge for to do 
ynow to the peple, lefte to hem 
Barabas, and betook to hem Jhesu, 
smyten with scourgis, that he 
schulde be crucified. 



XV. I 

Tyndal 
And anon in the dawnynge heelde 
the hye prestes a counsell with the 
seniours, and the scribes, and also 
the whole congregacion, and bounde 
Jesus, and ledde hym awaye, and 
delyvered hym to Pilate. And 
Pilate axed, Arte thou the kynge off 
the Jewes? And he answered and 
sayde unto hym, Thou sayest yt. 
And the hye prestes accused hym off 
many thynges. Pylate axed hym 
agayne, sayinge, Answerest thou 
nothynge? Beholde, howe many 
thinges they lay unto thy charge. 
Jesus yett answered never a worde, 
so that Pilate merveled. Att the 
feast Pilate was wont to delyvre att 
their pleasure a presoner, whomso- 
ever they wolde desyre. And there 
was one named Barrabas which laye 
bounde with them that caused in- 
surrection, and in the insurrection 
committed murther. And the peo- 
ple called unto hym, and began to 
desyre off hym, according as he had 
ever done unto them. Pylate an- 
swered them, and sayd, Wyll ye 
that I loose unto you the kynge off 
the Jewes? For he knew, that the 
hye prestes had delyvered hym of 
envy. Butt the hye prestes had 
moved the people, that he should 
rather delyvre Barrabas unto them. 
. . . Pylate willinge to content the 
people, loused Barrabas, and de- 
lyvered Jesus scourged for to be 
crucified. 



Two points worth noting with respect to Tyndal' s version 



Chapter XII 



26s 



are brought out by a comparison of these two renderings. One 
is its superiority as a translation; instead of reproducing, as the 
earlier does, the idioms of its original, it uses English idioms. 
The other is that it is a translation from the Greek, not from 
the Latin. The first point may be illustrated by the following 
instances : 



WlCKLIF 


Latin 


Tyndal 


Greek 


v. i. makinge, 


pres. parts. 


heelde, bounde 


pres. parts. 


byndinge 








2. Thou seyst 


tu dicis 


Thou sayest yt 


2i> \eyets 


3. To accuse in 


accusare in 


To accuse of 


verb with ace. 


many things 


multis 






5. So that Pilat 


ita ut miraretur 


So that Pilate 


ware davjjL&^eiv 


schulde wondre 


Pilatus 


merveled 


tov HiKdrov 


7. He that was 


qui dicebatur 


One named 


6 \eyojULepos 


said 








9. Wolen 3e I 


vultis dimittam 


Wyll ye that I 


deXere airo\iu<TW 


leeue 




loose 




11. That more he 


ut magis dimit- 


That he should 


Xva /ulcLWov diro- 


schulde leeue to 


teret eis 


rather delyvre 


\6ar} avrois 


hem 




unto them 




15. To do ynou 


satisfacere 


To content 


rb LKavbv iroLTjcraL 



As evidence of the second point might be taken : 

6. By a solemne per diem festum Att the feast /card eopry\v 

day 
15. smyten with flagellis caesum scourged (frpayeWdbo-as 

scourgis 

But the most noteworthy point is brought out by com- 
parison, not with an earlier, but with a later Version — the 
Authorised. In this, though several editions of the New 
Testament came out between 1526 and 1611, Tyndal's transla- 
tion is preserved almost word for word; such is the case with 
the passage given above. Consequently in Tyndal's work we 
have a specimen of English which has been familiar to every 
generation of Englishmen since it was written, and has never 
ceased to be regarded by the best writers as among the noblest 
monuments of the language. 



266 Outlines of the History of the English Language 

17. As an example of original prose may be taken a 
passage from the writings of Tyndal's antagonist, 
More's Cc?i- Sir Thomas More. It is from The Confutation 

futacionof f Ty?idales auuswere (1532), and contains a 

curious little piece of information about the 
adverbs of negation and affirmation. Commenting upon the 
verse, which in Tyndal's version runs, 'Arte thou a prophete? 
And he aunswered, no, ' More, with a bitterness which did not 
lend dignity to his style, remarks : 

"I woulde not here note by the way, that Tyndal here 
translateth no for nay, for it is but a trifle and mistaking of the 
englishe worde : sauing that ye shoulde see that he, whych in 
two so plain englishe wordes, and so commen as is naye and 
no, can not tell when he should take the tone, and when the 
tother, is not, for translating into englishe, a man very mete. 
For the use of those two wordes in aunswerring to a question 
is this. No 1 aunswereth the question framed by the affirmative. 
As for ensample, if amanne should aske Tindall hymselfe: 'ys 
an heretike mete to translate holy scripture into englishe?' 
Lo, to thys question, if he will aunswere trew englishe, he 
muste aunswere nay and not no. But and if the question be 
asked hym thus, lo : 'Is not an heretyque mete to translate 
holy scripture into english? ' To this question, lo, if he wil 
aunswer true english, he must aunswere ?io & not nay. And a 
lyke difference is there betweene these two aduerbes,^ and yes. 
For if the questeion bee framed unto Tindall by thaffirma- 
tiue in thys fashion: 'If an heretique falsely translate the newe 
testament into englishe, to make hys false heresyes seeme the 
worde of Godde, be hys bookes worthy to be burned ? ' To 
this question asked in thys wyse, yf he wil aunswere true 
englishe, he must aunswere ye and not yes. But nowe if the 
question be asked hym thus, lo, by the negatiue : 'If an 
heretike falsely translate the newe testament into englishe, to 

1 More here makes exactly the same mistake for which he censures 
Tyndal. 



Chapter XII 267 

make hys false heresyes seme the word of God, be not his 
bokes well worthy to be burned ? ' To thys question in thys 
fashion framed, if he wyll aunswere trew englyshe, he maye not 
aunswere ye, but he must aunswere yes, and say, 'yes, mary, 
be they, bothe the translacion and the translatour, and al that 
wyll holde wyth them.' " 

Of this passage it may be said that it represents the per- 
manent growth of the language; there is not a single word in 
it, that could not still be used; and even if a modern writer 
might in a few cases choose other words to express the same 
matter, he would yet be familiar with More's language, for it 
is the language of the Authorised Version. Except might be 
used instead of saving, but v. Amos ix. 8; fit instead of mete, 
but v. 1 Cor. xv. 9; example for ensample, but v. Phil. iii. 17; 
but and z/" occurs in Mt. xxiv. 48; be, not are, in a question in 
Lk. xxii. 52; which referring to a personal antecedent is too 
common to need a parallel, and the inflection -eth is invariably 
used. The order of the words, too, and the structure of the 
paragraph are almost modern. 

With such works in existence as those from which the last 
three extracts have been made it seems remarkable that 
Ascham should have spoken of the English language as he 
does, and have rated so low what had been done in it. But 
the passage (already quoted, p. 249) in which his views are 
expressed is written in a style which seems to shew the writer 
to be rather on the by-path that was to lead to Euphuism, 
than on the direct road of real progress on which Lord Berners 
and Tyndall and More were moving. Instead of the sim- 
plicity which is found in them, there is in Ascham much of the 
artificiality that is characteristic of Lyly; e.g. the elaborate 
balance of antithesis is worked out by both. So the passage 
from Ascham may serve as an introduction to the second half 
of the 1 6th century, in which, as we have seen, there were not 
a few writers and speakers whose practice might have justified 
the application to them of words that seem out of place when 



268 Outlines of the History of the English Language 

they appear to include in their censure the best writers who 
preceded the date of its publication. 

18. Of the ephemeral abuses in matter of language which 
were prevalent in the latter half of the 16th 
piJtlrch. century enough has already been said, and we 

may now try to illustrate the judicious use, that 
contributed to real progress, by specimens from two works, 
each in its own way worthy of note. The first is the trans- 
lation of Plutarch's Lives, made by Sir Thomas North (1579) 
from the French version of Amyot, and notable as being the 
source from which Shakspere derived his knowledge of Roman 
history. The following passage from the life of Coriolanus 
may shew North's style: 

So Martius being a stowte man of nature, that never 
yelded in any respect, as one thincking that to overcome 
airwaves, and to have the upper hande in all matters, was a 
token of magnanimitie, and of no bare and fainte corage, 
which spitteth out anger from the most weake and passioned 
parte of the harte, much like the matter of an impostume: 
went home to his house, full fraighted with spite and malice 
against the people, being accompanied with ail the lustiest 
young gentlemen, whose mindes were nobly bent, as those that 
came of noble race, and commonly used for to followe and 
honour him. But then specially they floct about him, and 
kept him companie, to his muche harme : for they dyd but 
kyndle and inflame his choller more and more, being sorie 
with him for the injurie the people off red him, bicause he was 
their captaine and leader to the warres, that taught them all 
marshall discipline, and stirred up in them a noble emulation 
of honour and valiantnes, and yet without envie, praising them 
that deserved best. 

If the practice of later times may be taken as a test of 
judicious use, the language of this passage certainly satisfies the 
test; there is hardly a word in it that is not still current. But 
while the passage shews that there was abundance of excellent 



Chapter XII 269 

material at hand, it shews at the same time that among those 
who had the good taste to use such material, the power to use 
it skilfully was sometimes wanting. In the next specimen we 
may see as well the excellence of the material as the skill in its 
use. The extract that follows is from Sidney's 

J Sidney's 

Apologie for Poetrie (c. 1581), of which Marsh Apologie for 
says, that in style and diction it was the best Po 
secular prose yet written in England : 

Certainly I must confesse my own barbarousnes, I neuer 
heard the olde song of Percy and Duglas, that I found not my 
heart mooued more then with a Trumpet : and yet is it sung 
but by some blinde Crouder, with no rougher voyce, then rude 
stile : which being so euill apparrelled in the dust and cob- 
webbes of that unciuill age, what would it worke trymmed 
in the gorgeous eloquence of Pindar? In Hungary I haue 
seene it the manner at all Feasts, and other such meetings, to 
haue songes of their Auncestours valour; which that right 
Souldier-like Nation thinck the chiefest kindlers of braue 
courage. The incomparable Lacedemonians did not only carry 
that kinde of Musicke euer with them to the field, but euen at 
home, as such songs were made, so were they all content to 
bee the singers of them, when the lusty men were to tell what 
they dyd, the olde men what they had done, and the young 
men what they wold doe. And where a man may say, that 
Pindar many times prayseth highly victories of small moment, 
matters rather of sport then vertue : as it may be aunswered, 
it was the fault of the Poet, and not of the Poetry; so indeede, 
the chiefe fault was in the tyme and custome of the Greekes, 
who set those toyes at so high a price, that Phillip of Macedon 
reckoned a horse-race wonne at Olimpus among hys three 
fearefull felicities. But as the unimitable Pindar often did, 
so is that kinde most capable and most fit, to awake the 
thoughts from the sleep of idlenes, to imbrace honourable 
enterprises. 

Of this passage we may fairly say that it is worthy of one 



270 Outlines of the History of the English Language 

who held that 'for the uttering sweetly and properly the conceit 
of the mind, that English hath equally with any other tongue in 
the world. ' It was written about the time that Lyly was giving 
the nation a new English, and shews that fortunately there was 
an old English which might prevent those of true taste from 
desiring the new, for they could rightly say of it that the old 
was better. 

To give further specimens, taken from the great writers 
of the Elizabethan age, is unnecessary. The progress of the 
language up to the point reached in such prose as Sidney's 
has been slightly illustrated, and the sources from which the 
vocabulary was drawing fresh material have been pointed out. 
The student who wishes to realise the position that had been 
attained by English at the beginning of the 17 th century, 
must look not merely to brief extracts, but must read the 
literature in which its powers are shewn by the great masters 
of language. 



CHAPTER XIII 

The language of the early part of the 17th century — classical studies — 
Burton — his Anatomy of Melancholy — Sir Thomas Browne's Vulgar 
Errors — its scientific vocabulary — Milton's Areopagitica — its vocab- 
ulary — its style — Dryden's Essay of Dramatic Poetry — modern in 
vocabulary and style — writers of the first half of the 18th century — 
Addison and Swift on words from foreign languages — Johnson and his 
style — example of Addison's style — Johnson's criticism of it — contrast 
to it shewn by Johnson's style in the Ra7nbler — influence of Johnson 
on the language of his time — his influence not permanent — English 
in the 19th century — the earlier history of the language indicated by 
its present form. 

1. From the times of Elizabeth to our own there has been 
no break in the line of great writers; and their 
works, considered as literature, might call for a The l *®~ 

> ' ° guage of the 

fuller notice than do those of all their prede- early part of 
cessors. But while the history of the literature century, 
during this period would have to deal with a 
subject whose noteworthy material was always growing in 
volume, the history of the language, at least so far as its 
outlines are concerned, finds less to record than had been 
the case in earlier times. As regards grammatical forms, 
hardly any change remains to be noticed; and as regards 
vocabulary, the admission of new words continues after the 
same fashion as had prevailed in the latter part of the 16th 
century. Greater facility, indeed, is gained by the later writers 

271 



2J2 Otct lines of the History of the English Language 

in the management of their material, and the stately and some- 
times involved style of the earlier gives place to one which has 
more freedom and clearness. Detailed examination, e.g. of a 
play of Shakspere, will of course shew both constructions that 
are not now usual, and words either not used at all or not used 
with their present meanings; but most readers of Shakspere 
are willing to dispense with grammatical notes, and are satisfied 
with but few references to a dictionary of archaic words. We 
still to a great extent possess the language of Shakspere. By 
this it is not meant to be implied that no important changes 
have been made in the language since 1600. Changes, by 
modification of old material or acquisition of new, of such 
magnitude have been going on, that all changes of thought 
that have taken place since that date have found adequate 
expression in the language. But when dealing only with the 
outlines of its history such changes may be more briefly 
indicated than is the case with some of perhaps less import- 
ance in the earlier stages of its development; and again it 
is to the literature that the student must turn to get a proper 
appreciation of the subject. 

2. If classical studies had been prosecuted in the last 

quarter of the 16th century because of royal ex- 
of classical * ample, they were not likely to be discontinued 
studies in the } n t h e fl rs j- quarter of the 1 7th for want of similar 

encouragement from a king, who 'at his de- 
parture ' from the Bodleian Library 'brake out into that noble 
speech, If I were not a king, I would be an University man.' 
And Burton, who quotes this saying, may be appealed to as an 
instance, which by presenting the case in a somewhat extreme 
form, may the more easily illustrate the point. How wide was 
the reading of the author of The Anatomy of Melancholy (\te\) 
may be seen by the endless Latin quotations it contains. The 
following passage may serve both as a specimen of English 
written by a scholar, and as an illustration of a scholar's 
familiarity with Latin: 



Chapter XIII 273 

But in the mean time, how doth this concern me, or upon 
what reference do I usurp (Democritus) his B urton and 
habit? I confesse, indeed, that to compare The Anatomy 
myself unto him for aught I have yet said, were o/Ii toly ' 
both impudency and arrogance. I do not presume to make 
any parallel, Antistat mihi millibus trecentis, parvus sum, melius 
sum, altum nee spi?v, nee spero. Yet thus much I will say of 
my self, and that I hope without all suspition of pride, or self- 
conceit, I have lived a silent, sedentary, solitary, private life, 
mihi & musis in the University, as long almost as Xenocrates 
in Athens, ad seneetam fere to learn wisdom as he did, penned 
up most part in my study. For I have been brought up a 
student in the most flourishing colledge of Europe, augustissimo 
collegio, and can brag with Iovius, almost, in ea luee domicilii 
Vacicani, totius orbis celeberrimi, per 37 annos multa opportuna- 
que didici; for 30 years I have continued (having the use of as 
good Libraries as ever he had) a scholar, and would be 
therefore loth, either by living as a drone, to be an unprofit- 
able or unworthy Member of so learned and noble a societie, 
or to write that which should be any way dishonourable to 
such a royal and ample foundation. Something I have done, 
though by my profession a Divine, yet tin-bine raptus ingenii 
out of a running with, an unconstant, unsettled mind, I had a 
great desire (not able to attain to a superficial skil in any) to 
have some smattering in all, to be aliquis in omnibus, melius in 
singulis, which Plato commends. 

It will be noticed that the writer of this passage, though as 
a scholar in a University he belonged to a class of which 
Puttenham had complained that its members 'used much 
peevish affectation of words out of the primitive languages, ' is 
certainly not chargeable with this fault of his predecessors. 
His familiarity with Latin is evident, and he uses many words 
of Latin origin, but these may fairly come under the head of 
'usual and accustomable words,' for they are all in present 
use. 

T 



274 Outlines of the History of the English Language 

3. It was not, however, always in so moderate a degree 
Sir Thomas that the influence of classical learning mani- 
Browne's fested itself ; and the following passage from 

Sir Thomas Browne's Pseudodoxia Epidemica 
(1646) will shew this influence working much more strongly, 
and at the same time will serve as an early example of a prac- 
tice, which is familiar to the 19th century — that of employ- 
ing material derived from the classical languages in the 
formation of scientific terms. It is from the chapter on the 
loadstone that the extract is taken : 

Nor is the vigour of this great body (the earth) included 
only in itself, or circumf erenced by its surface, but diffused at 
indeterminate distances through the air, water, and all bodies 
circumjacent; exciting and impregnating magnetical bodies 
within its surface or without it, and performing, in a secret and 
invisible way, what we evidently behold effected by the load- 
stone. For these effluxions penetrate all bodies, and like the 
species of visible objects are ever ready in the medium, and lay 
hold on all bodies proportionate or capable of their action; 
those bodies likewise, being of a congenerous nature, do 
readily receive the impressions of their motor; and, if not 
fettered by their gravity, conform themselves to situations 
wherein they best unite unto their animator. And this will 
sufficiently appear from the observations that are to follow, 
which can no better way be found out, than by this we speak 
of, the magnetical vigour of the earth. Now, whether these 
effluxions do fly by striated atoms and winding particles, as 
Renatus des Cartes conceiveth, or glide by streams attracted 
from either pole and hemisphere of the earth unto the equator, 
as Sir Kenelm Digby excellently declareth, it takes not away 
this vigour of the earth; but more distinctly sets down the 
gests and progress thereof, and are conceits of eminent use to 
salve magnetical phenomena. And, as in astronomy, those 
hypotheses (though never so strange) are best esteemed which 
best do salve appearances, so surely in philosophy those 



Chapter XIII 275 

principles (though seeming monstrous) may with advantage 
be embraced, which best confirm experiment, and afford the 
readiest reason of observation. 

Large as is the foreign element in the passage, Sir Thomas 
Browne is hardly more indebted to Latin and 
Greek than is a writer on scientific subjects ^iXrfved 
to-day; indeed there are very few words in it from Greek 
which might not still be used, and in this sense and Latin " 
its language is as modern as that of Burton. 

4. But for a specimen of English written under the influ- 
ence of the highest training that the first half of , s 
the 1 7th century could offer it is to a greater than Areola- 
either Burton or Sir T. Browne that we should gltlca: 
look — to Milton, who was familiar with foreign languages, 
both ancient and modern, and who knew the best that had 
been written in his own and other countries. Within about two 
years of the publication of the work last quoted he wrote the 
Areopagitica (1644), and from it the following extract is taken : 

When a man writes to the world, he summons up all his 
reason and deliberation to assist him, he searches, meditats, is 
industrious, and likely consults and conferrs with his judicious 
friends; after all which done he takes himself to be inform'd 
in what he writes, as well as any that writ before him; if 
in this the most consummat act of his fidelity and ripenesse, 
no years, no industry, no former proof of his abilities can 
bring him to that state of maturity, as not to be still mis- 
trusted and suspected, unlesse he carry all his considerat 
diligence, all his midnight watchings, and expenceof Palladian 
oyl, to the hasty view of an unlearne'd licencer, perhaps much 
his younger, perhaps far his inferiour in judgement, perhaps 
one who never knew the labour of book-writing, and if he 
be not repulst, or slighted, must appear in Print like a punie 
with his guardian, and his censor's hand on the back of his title 
to be his bayl and surety, that he is no idiot, or seducer, 
it cannot be but a dishonour and derogation to the author, to 



276 Outlines of the History of the English Language 

the book, to the priviledge and dignity of Learning. And 
what if the author shall be one so copious of fancie, as to 
have many things well worth the adding, come into his mind 
after licencing, while the book is yet under the Presse, which 
not seldom happ'ns to the best and diligentest writers. The 
Printer dares not go beyond his licenc't copy; so often then 
must the author trudge to his leavgiver, that those his new 
insertions may be viewd; and many a jaunt will be made, ere 
that licencer, for it must be the same man, can either be found, 
or found at leisure; mean while either the Presse must stand 
still, which is no small damage, or the author loose his 
accuratest thoughts, and send the book forth wors then he had 
made it, which to a diligent writer is the greatest melancholy 
and vexation that can befall. 

All the material of this passage is still used, but not all of 

it has the same force now as it has in the passage, 
buiary*" Several of the words illustrate a point that has 

to be borne in mind by a reader of the older 
literature, viz. that a foreign word on its first introduction is 
used with the sense that belongs to it in the language from 
which it is taken, but on becoming naturalised it will change 
according to the will of those who speak the language in which 
it is incorporated. For instance, we still use consummate, 
considerate, expense, puny, idiot, copious, but we should hardly 
use them in the same way that Milton does. 

5. It is not, however, so much by its vocabulary that the 

passage is marked off from modern English, as 

by its structure; it is not the material that is 
used, but the fabric that is constructed with it, that associates 
Milton rather with his great predecessors than with those who 
followed him. With his majestic prose seems to end the period 
which precedes that of modern English. To an age which 
was saturated with the language of the Bible, and elevated 
by the greatness of the issues which, whether in religious or 
political matters, were of vital concern to it, succeeded one 



Chapter XIII 277 

which recoiled from the earnestness of its predecessor, and 
the changed conditions were reflected in the language. The 
contrast between the first and second half of the 17th century 
may be brought out by comparing the prose of Milton with 
that of Dryden, from whose Essay of Dramatic Poesie the 
following passage is taken : 

As for Jonson, if we look upon him while he was himself, I 
think him the most learned and judicious writer 

1 • 1 1 i i xt Dryden's 

which any theatre ever had. He was a most Essay of 
severe iudge of himself as well as others. One Dramatic 

J ° Poesie: 

cannot say he wanted wit, but rather that he 
was frugal of it. In his works you find little to retrench or 
alter. Wit and language, and humour also in some measure, 
we had before him; but something of art was wanting to the 
drama till he came. He managed his strength to more ad- 
vantage than any who preceded him. You seldom find him 
making love in any of his scenes, or endeavouring to move the 
passions; his genius was too sullen and saturnine to do it 
gracefully, especially when he knew he came after those who 
had performed both to such an height. Humour was his 
proper sphere; and in that he delighted most to represent 
mechanic people. He was deeply conversant in the ancients, 
both Greek and Latin, and he borrowed boldly from them : 
there is scarce a poet or historian among the Roman authors 
of those times whom he has not translated in Sejanus and 
Catiline. But he has done his robberies so openly that one 
may see he fears not to be taxed by any law. He invades 
authors like a monarch, and what would be theft in other 
poets is only victory in him. If there was any fault in his 
language, 'twas that he weaved it too closely and laboriously, 
in his comedies especially; perhaps, too, he did a little too 
much Romanise our tongue, leaving the words which he 
translated almost as much Latin as he found them : wherein, 
though he learnedly followed their language, he did not enough 
comply with the idiom of ours. 



278 Outlines of the History of the English Language 

This passage is modern, not only because the words in it are 
still used, and used, too, with trifling exceptions, 

modern in 7 7 7 ° l 7 

vocabulary as we use them, but because it is constructed as 

and style. -^ j^jg^ now ^ e constructed. The passage from 

Milton, whatever changes might be made in its vocabulary, 
could not possibly be mistaken for a product of the 19th 
century, while with a very few verbal alterations the specimen 
of Dryden might be made to pass for good modern English. 
With the appearance of Dryden the old order gives place to 
new. 

6. The great writers of the first half of the 18th century 

followed the example set by Dryden; and to the 

the first half works of Addison, Oxford scholar and traveller 

of the 18th j n Italy, or to those of Swift, champion of the 

century— . . 

ancients against the moderns, we may still turn 

for models of good English. But we are not confined within 

the limits which their taste would have fixed. 

Addison and 

Swift on As a result of the wars in the Low Countries 

foreign words foreign words were coming into use in England, 

to many of which, as we have seen, 1 objection 
was taken by Addison, as had been done by writers of the 
1 6th century to the foreign words then introduced. The 
vocabulary of science was extending in the direction which 
the extract from Sir T. Browne seemed to point out, and 
against many of its terms Swift protested. 2 But such objections 
and protests were unavailing, and the number of words alike 
from ancient and from modern languages steadily increased; 
indeed by the remarkable influence of one man for a time the 
language of literature in the 18th century was diverted from 
the course of simplicity, which under the guidance of such 
writers as Addison and Swift it had followed, and was brought 

under the domination of the classical tongues. 
Johnson and Johnson, whose weakness was 'to make little 

his stvle. 

fishes talk like whales,' became 'the great Cham 
1 v. p. 4. 2 Ibid, 



Chapter XIII 279 

of literature ' ; his style to a great extent became a model for 
his contemporaries, and in the 18th century the language was 
almost as much in danger from the new English of Johnson, 
as in the 16th it had been from that of Lyly. Fortunately in 
both cases it was the old English that survived, and that in the 
later case, as in the earlier, we may justly say 'the old is better ' 
will appear on a comparison of two extracts from the Spectator 
and the Rambler respectively : 

I may cast my readers under two general divisions, the 
Mercurial and the Saturnine. The first are the 
gay part of my disciples, who require specula- tor e * ecia ~ 
tions of wit and humour, the others are those of 
a more solemn and sober turn, who find no pleasure but in 
papers of morality and sound sense. The former call every- 
thing that is serious, stupid; the latter look upon everything 
as impertinent that is ludicrous. Were I always grave, one 
half of my readers would fall off from me : were I always 
merry, I should lose the other. I make it therefore my en- 
deavour to find out entertainments of both kinds, and by that 
means perhaps consult the good of both, more than I should 
do, did I always write to the particular taste of either. As they 
neither of them know what I proceed upon, the sprightly 
reader, who takes up my paper in order to be diverted, 
very often finds himself unawares in a serious and profitable 
course of thinking; as on the contrary, the thoughtful man, 
who perhaps may hope to find something solid, and full of deep 
reflection, is very often insensibly betrayed into a fit of mirth. 
In a word, the reader sits down to my entertainment without 
knowing his bill of fare, and has therefore at least the pleasure 
of hoping there may be a dish to his palate. 

I must confess, were I left to myself, I should rather aim 
at instructing than diverting; but if we will be useful to the 
world, we must take it as we find it. Authors of professed 
severity discourage the looser part of mankind from having 
anything to do with their writings. The very title of a moral 



280 Outlines of the History of the English Language 

treatise has something in it austere and shocking to the care- 
less and inconsiderate. Spectator, No. clxxix. 

7. In his criticism of Addison Johnson says: 'His prose is 
the model of the middle style; on grave subjects 
criticism" not formal, on light occasions not grovelling, 

Addison's p Ure without scrupulosity, and exact without 

apparent elaboration; always equable, and al- 
ways easy, without glowing words or pointed sentences. Addi- 
son never deviates from his track to snatch a grace; he seeks 
no ambitious ornaments, and tries no hazardous innovations. 
His page is always luminous, but never blazes in unexpected 
splendour. It was apparently his principal endeavour to avoid 
all harshness and severity of diction; he therefore sometimes 
descends too much to the language of conversation; yet if his 
language had been less idiomatic, it might have lost somewhat 
of its genuine Anglicism. Whoever wishes to attain an English 
style, familiar but not coarse, and elegant but not ostentatious, 
must give his days and nights to the volumes of Addison.' 

How far Johnson was from making the prose of Addison 
the model for his own might be illustrated by this quotation; 
but the difference between the two styles becomes more strik- 
ing when they are compared in works so similar in character 
as are the Spectator and the Rambler} Compare, for example, 
the following extract from the last number of the latter with 
that already given from the former : 

Whatever shall be the final sentence of mankind, I have 
at least endeavoured to deserve their kindness. 

The Rambler. T •, ■, •, -, , ^ i 

I have laboured to refine our language to gram- 
matical purity, and to clear it from colloquial barbarisms, 
licentious idioms, and irregular combinations. Something, 
perhaps, I have added to the elegance of its construction, and 

1 When Dr Burney, after reading Johnson's remarks on Addison's 
style, could not help observing, 'that it had not been his own model,' the 
reply he received from Johnson was, * Sir, Addison had his style, and I 
have mine.' 



Chapter XIII 281 

something to the harmony of it cadence. When common 
words were less pleasing to the ear, or less distinct in their 
signification, I have familiarised the terms of philosophy, by 
applying them to popular ideas, but have rarely admitted any 
word not authorised by former writers; for I believe that 
whoever knows the English tongue in its present extent, will 
be able to express his thoughts without further help from other 
nations. 

As it has been my principal design to inculcate wisdom or 
piety, I have allotted few papers to the idle sports of imagi- 
nation. Some, perhaps, may be found, of which the highest 
excellence is harmless merriment; but scarcely any man is so 
steadily serious as not to complain, that the severity of dicta- 
torial instruction has been too seldom relieved, and that he is 
driven by the sternness of the Rambler's philosophy to more 
cheery and airy companions. 

In the pictures of life I have never been so studious of 
novelty or surprise, as to depart wholly from all resemblance; 
a fault which writers deservedly celebrated frequently commit, 
that they may raise, as the occasion requires, either mirth or 
abhorrence. Some enlargement may be allowed to declama- 
tion, and some exaggeration to burlesque; but as they deviate 
farther from reality, they become less useful, because their 
lessons will fail of application. 

The essays professedly serious, if I have been able to exe- 
cute my own intentions, will be found exactly conformable to 
the precepts of Christianity, without any accommodation to 
the licentiousness and levity of the present age. I therefore 
look back on this part of my work with pleasure, which no 
blame or praise of man shall diminish or augment. 

8. If the style of Johnson had remained peculiar to 
himself, there would have been hardly more 
reason to dwell upon it in considering the Johnson on the 
history of the language in the 18th century, language of his 
than to dwell upon that of Carlyle in con- 



282 Outlines of the History of the English Language 

nection with Victorian English. But a writer of whom that 
could be said which Boswell said of Johnson, that 'such is the 
melody of his periods, so much do they captivate the ear, and 
seize upon the attention, that there is scarcely any writer, 1 
however inconsiderable, who does not aim, in some degree, at 
the same species of excellence, ' becomes a factor, that, when 
the history of the language is to be traced merely in outline, 
needs to be taken into account. 

It was, however, with the i great Cham ' of literature as with 
Cromwell. Though each died in the possession 

nofpVrmanent 6 ° f P OWer > y et {t WaS S iven t0 neither to be the 

founder of a line that should maintain the new 
order he had introduced. The death of each was soon fol- 
lowed by a return to the old order; the 19th century aban- 
doned ' Johnsonese, ' for when all were reading the Waverley 
Novels with delight, few could maintain their allegiance to the 
style of the Rambler ; and in Victorian English there remains 
hardly more trace of it than there is of Euphuism in the 
language of Dryden. 

9. In the 19th century not only has there been no parallel 

En Hsh to J onnson > but there have been no influences 

in the 19th at work upon the language that have produced 

effects so strikingly apparent as has been the 
case in the earlier centuries. During the last hundred years 
the capabilities of the language have been proved by great 
writers in every department of thought, but the best that has 
been written at any one time of the period is in no case in 
strong contrast with the best that has been written at any other. 
None the less has the language developed. To such changes 
in external conditions as have come with the use of steam and 

1 For the effect on an originally simple style of Johnson's influence, in 
the case of a writer whose intercourse with him gave excellent opportunity 
for its exercise, the student may be referred to the quotations from Madame 
D'Arblay's works, given by Macaulay near the end of his essay on that 
favourite of Dr Johnson. 



Chapter XIII 283 

electricity, to such changes in thought as increased scientific 
knowledge has brought with it, and to many other changes 
in the inner and outer life of its speakers, the language has 
adapted itself; but it will be enough to remind the student 
that from his familiarity with modern conditions and with 
modern English he must not overlook the influence which the 
former have exerted upon the latter. And if the healthy growth 
of the 19th century has sometimes seemed endangered, if the 
fine writing of the everywhere diffused newspaper, which seems 
the modern form of the disease of Euphuism, has at times 
threatened corruption, there have been the examples of great 
writers to act as preservatives. On the whole the language has 
had a life of peaceful progress, with no striking events to 
record, and its history is to be read in the great works of those 
who have used it. 

10. And, as the preceding pages have tried to shew, the 
student who turns to the modern literature to 

The earlier 

read in it the last chapter in the history of the history of the 
language may find as well a summary of all that indicated by 
has gone before. Formodern English is the result its present 
of the accumulations made by a long succession 
of speakers, who worked upon the material they inherited 
from their predecessors, and acquired for themselves fresh 
material. Each change in the internal or external life of the 
speakers helped to mould their speech; and it is with the 
change that transferred to this country the inheritance from 
many generations, that the story of the moulding of English 
in England begins. Since then Englishmen have been in 
turn the conquerors and the conquered in the country, and 
of their struggles the language still bears the marks. From 
their own they have spread to every country under heaven, 
and their course may be traced by the words they have adopted 
from those with whom they have come into friendly or hostile 
contact. Even on the unreal world of fiction they have levied 
contributions, and Lilliputian is as real as cannibal, and 



284 Outlines of the History of the English Language 

Quixotic as Machiavellian, They have been versed in the great 
literatures of all times and countries, and from the languages 
in which these are written they have drawn supplies. And to 
the shaping of this accumulating material have been directed 
the efforts of great writers in every department of literature, 
who have striven to give fit expression to their thoughts. 
Through countless ages others have laboured, and into their 
labours we who to-day use English have entered. Of those 
labours the language still bears the marks; but if the significance 
of those marks is to be recognised, or the labours to which 
they witness are to be appreciated, we must have some know- 
ledge of the earlier history of our language. To help the 
student in gaining such a knowledge is the object of these 
Outlines. 



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